Diodorus Siculus

Library of History, Volume VII

Books 15.20-16.65

Translated by Charles L. Sherman.

Diodorus Siculus, Greek historian of Agyrium in Sicily, ca. 80–20 BCE, wrote forty books of world history, called Library of History, in three parts: mythical history of peoples, non-Greek and Greek, to the Trojan War; history to Alexander's death (323 BCE); history to 54 BCE. Of this we have complete Books I–V (Egyptians, Assyrians, Ethiopians, Greeks) and Books XI–XX (Greek history 480–302 BCE); and fragments of the rest. He was an uncritical compiler, but used good sources and reproduced them faithfully. He is valuable for details unrecorded elsewhere, and as evidence for works now lost, especially writings of Ephorus, Apollodorus, Agatharchides, Philistus, and Timaeus.

The Loeb Classical Library edition of Diodorus Siculus is in twelve volumes.

Bibiliographic reference

Diodorus Siculus. Library of History, Volume VII: Books 15.20-16.65. Translated by Charles L. Sherman. Loeb Classical Library 389. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952.

LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB 1911
EDITED BY
JEFFREY HENDERSON
DIODORUS OF SICILY
VII 
LCL 389
i
ii

DIODORUS
OF SICILY
THE LIBRARY OF HISTORY
BOOKS XV.20–XVI.65
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
CHARLES L. SHERMAN
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
LONDON, ENGLAND
iii

First published 1952
LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY® is a registered trademark
of the President and Fellows of Harvard College
ISBN 978-0-674-99428-7
Printed on acid-free paper and bound by
The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group
iv

Contents

  • The Library of History
    • Book XV (continued) 1
    • Book XVI. 1–65 223
  • index of names 423
  • maps
    • Europe 432
    • Sicily and Greece 434
  • Volume I: Books 1-2.34 LCL 279
  • Volume II: Books 2.35-4.58 LCL 303
  • Volume III: Books 4.59-8 LCL 340
  • Volume IV: Books 9-12.40 LCL 375
  • Volume V: Books 12.41-13 LCL 384
  • Volume VI: Books 14-15.19 LCL 399
  • Volume VIII: Books 16.66-17 LCL 422
  • Volume IX: Books 18-19.65 LCL 377
  • Volume X: Books 19.66-20 LCL 390
  • Volume XI: Books 21-32 LCL 409
  • Volume XII: Books 33-40. Index LCL 423
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Diodorus of Sicily

The Library of History of Diodorus of Sicily

Book XV

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ΒΙΒΛΟΣ ΠΕΝΤΕΚΑΙΔΕΚΑΤΗ

20. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Εὐάνδρου1 Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους ἕξ, Κόιντον Σολπίκιον, Γάιον Φάβιον, Κόιντον Σερουίλιον, Πόπλιον Κορνήλιον.2 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατελάβοντο τὴν Καδμείαν ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας. ὁρῶντες τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἔχουσαν πόλεών τε πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας αὐτὴν ἄνδρας ὑπάρχοντας ἀνδρείᾳ διαφόρους, ἔτι δὲ τὰς Θήβας ἐχούσας παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα καὶ τὸ σύνολον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολίν τινα τῆς Βοιωτίας οὖσαν, εὐλαβοῦντο μήποτε καιροῦ παραφανέντος οἰκείου τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἀντιποιήσηται· 2διόπερ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται παρήγγελλον

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20. When Evander was archon at Athens, the 382/1 b.c. Romans elected six1 military tribunes with consular power, Quintus Sulpicius, Gaius Fabius, Quintus Servilius, Publius Cornelius. During their term of office, the Lacedaemonians took possession of the Cadmeia in Thebes for the following reasons. Seeing that Boeotia had a large number of cities and that her inhabitants were men of outstanding valour, while Thebes,2 still retaining her renown of ancient times, was, generally speaking, the citadel of Boeotia, they were mindful of the danger that Thebes, if a suitable occasion arose, might claim the leadership of Greece. Accordingly the Spartans gave secret instructions3

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ἐν ἀπορρήτοις, ἵν᾿ ἐάν ποτε καιρὸν λάβωσι καταλάβωνται τὴν Καδμείαν. τοιαύτης δὲ γενομένης παραγγελίας, Φοιβίδας ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, τεταγμένος ἐπί τινος ἡγεμονίας καὶ δύναμιν ἄγων ἐπὶ Ὀλυνθίους, κατελάβετο τὴν Καδμείαν. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ μεθ᾿ ὅπλων συνδραμόντων, συνάψας μάχην αὐτοῖς καὶ νικήσας τριακοσίους μὲν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν Θηβαίων ἐφυγάδευσε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καταπληξάμενος καὶ φρουρὰν ἰσχυρὰν ἐγκαταστησάμενος, ἐπὶ τὰς ἰδίας πράξεις ἀπηλλάγη. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ταύτην ἀδοξοῦντες παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, τὸν μὲν Φοιβίδαν ἐζημίωσαν χρήμασι, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐκ 3ἐξῆγον ἐκ τῶν Θηβῶν· οἱ μὲν οὖν Θηβαῖοι τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον τὴν αὐτονομίαν ἀποβαλόντες ἠναγκάσθησαν ὑποταγῆναι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις· τῶν δ᾿ Ὀλυνθίων διαπολεμούντων πρὸς Ἀμύνταν τὸν τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα, Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν μὲν Φοιβίδαν ἀπέστησαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας, Εὐδαμίδαν δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ Φοιβίδα κατέστησαν στρατηγόν. δόντες δ᾿ αὐτῷ τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας ἐξαπέστειλαν διαπολεμήσοντα1 τὸν πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους πόλεμον.2

21. Οὗτος δ᾿ ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν Ὀλυνθίων κοινῇ μετ᾿ Ἀμύντου διεπολέμει πρὸς

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to their commanders, if ever they found an opportunity, 382/1 b.c. to take possession of the Cadmeia. Acting under these instructions, Phoebidas the Spartan, who had been assigned to a command and was leading an expeditionary force against Olynthus, seized the Cadmeia.1 When the Thebans, resenting this act, gathered under arms, he joined battle with them and after defeating them exiled three hundred of the most eminent Thebans. Then after he had terrorized the rest and had stationed a strong garrison in the Cadmeia, he went off on his own business. For this act the Lacedaemonians, being now discredited in the eyes of the Greeks,2 punished Phoebidas with a fine but would not remove the garrison from Thebes. So the Thebans in this way lost their independence and were compelled to take orders from the Lacedaemonians. As the Olynthians continued the war against Amyntas,3 king of the Macedonians, the Lacedaemonians relieved Phoebidas of his command, and installed Phoebidas’ brother Eudamidas as general. Giving him three thousand hoplites, they dispatched him to carry on the war against the Olynthians.

21. Eudamidas4 struck into the territory of the Olynthians and, in conjunction with Amyntas, continued to wage war upon the Olynthians. Thereupon

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Ὀλυνθίους. εἶθ᾿ οἱ μὲν Ὀλύνθιοι δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον ἠθροικότες ἐπλεονέκτουν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, στρατιώτας πλείους ἔχοντες τῶν πολεμίων· οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον προχειρισάμενοι κατέστησαν στρατηγὸν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς Τελευτίαν. οὗτος δ᾿ ἦν ἀδελφὸς μὲν Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ βασιλέως, θαυμαζόμενος δ᾿ ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις. 2ἀναζεύξας οὖν μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου καὶ καταντήσας πλησίον τῆς Ὀλυνθίων παρέλαβε τοὺς μετὰ Εὐδαμίδου στρατιώτας. γενόμενος δὲ ἀξιόμαχος τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τὴν τῶν Ὀλυνθίων χώραν ἐδῄωσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν πλῆθος λείας ἐμέρισε τοῖς στρατιώταις· τῶν δὲ Ὀλυνθίων μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων πανδημεὶ παραταξαμένων συνῆψε μάχην. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἰσορρόπου τοῦ κινδύνου γενομένου διεχωρίσθησαν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γενομένης μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς, αὐτός τε ὁ Τελευτίας ἔπεσε λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος, καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀνῃρέθησαν πλείους τῶν χιλίων καὶ διακοσίων. 3τηλικαύτης δ᾿ εὐημερίας γενομένης τοῖς Ὀλυνθίοις, οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, βουλόμενοι διορθώσασθαι τὸ γεγονὸς ἐλάττωμα, δυνάμεις ἁδροτέρας ἐκπέμπειν παρεσκευάζοντο, οἱ δὲ Ὀλύνθιοι, νομίζοντες μείζοσι δυνάμεσιν ἥξειν τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἔσεσθαι πολυχρόνιον,1 σίτου τε παρασκευὰς ἀξιολόγους ἐποιοῦντο καὶ παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων στρατιώτας προσελαμβάνοντο.

22. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Δημοφίλου Ῥωμαῖοι ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους κατέστησαν Πόπλιον Κορνήλιον, Λεύκιον Οὐεργίνιον, Λεύκιον Παπίριον, Μάρκον Φούριον, Οὐαλέριον, Αὖλον

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the Olynthians, who had collected a considerable 382/1 b.c. force, had the better in the field because they had more soldiers than the enemy; but the Lacedaemonians, having made ready a considerable force, appointed Teleutias general in charge of it. Teleutias was brother of King Agesilaüs and was greatly admired for his valour by his fellow citizens. He accordingly set out from the Peloponnese with an army and on arriving near the territory of the Olynthians took over the soldiers commanded by Eudamidas. Being now a match for the enemy, he began by plundering the Olynthian territory and dividing among his troops the booty that he had collected; but when the Olynthians and their allies in full force took the field, he gave battle. At first they drew apart after an even contest, but later a stubborn battle was fought in which Teleutias himself fell after a splendid fight and the Lacedaemonians lost more than twelve hundred men.1 After the Olynthians had met with so remarkable a success, the Lacedaemonians, wishing to repair the loss they had sustained, prepared to send out more numerous forces, while the Olynthians, judging that the Spartans would come with larger forces and that the war would last for a long time, prepared large supplies of grain and procured additional soldiers from their allies.

22. When Demophilus was archon at Athens, the 381/0 b.c. Romans elected as military tribunes with consular power Publius Cornelius, Lucius Verginius, Lucius Papirius, Marcus Furius, Valerius, Aulus Manlius,

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2Μάλλιον, Λεύκιον καὶ Ποστούμιον.1 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν στρατηγὸν προχειρισάμενοι Ἀγησίπολιν τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ δύναμιν ἱκανὴν παραδόντες, ἐψηφίσαντο πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους πολεμεῖν.2 οὗτος δὲ καταντήσας εἰς τὴν τῶν Ὀλυνθίων χώραν καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς προϋπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ στρατιώτας διεπολέμει πρὸς τοὺς ἐγχωρίους. οἱ δ᾿ Ὀλύνθιοι μεγάλην μὲν μάχην οὐδεμίαν κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν συνεστήσαντο, ἀκροβολισμοὺς δὲ καὶ βραχείας συμπλοκὰς ποιούμενοι διετέλεσαν, καταπεπληγμένοι τὴν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως δύναμιν.

23. Τοῦ δ᾿ ἐνιαυσίου χρόνου διεληλυθότος Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦν ἄρχων3 Πυθέας, ἐν Ῥώμῃ δ᾿ ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλίαρχοι ἓξ κατεστάθησαν, Τίτος Κοΐνκτιος,4 Λεύκιος Σερουίλιος, Λεύκιος Ἰούλιος, Ἀκύλλιος,4 Λεύκιος5 Λοκρήτιος,6 Σερούιος7 Σουλπίκιος, παρὰ δὲ Ἠλείοις ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη ἑκατοστή, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα 2στάδιον Διονυσόδωρος Ταραντῖνος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀγησίπολις ὁ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησε νόσῳ, βασιλεύσας ἔτη δεκατέσσαρα· τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος Κλεόμβροτος ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ἐννέα. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ Πολυβιάδαν3 στρατηγὸν καταστήσαντες ἐξαπέστειλαν 3εἰς τὸν πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους πόλεμον. οὗτος δὲ παραλαβὼν τὰς δυνάμεις, καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐνεργῶς ἅμα καὶ στρατηγικῶς διοικῶν, ἐποίει πολλὰ προτερήματα. αἰεὶ δὲ μᾶλλον εὐημερῶν καὶ πλείοσι μάχαις

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Lucius and Postumius. During their term of office 381/0 b.c. the Lacedaemonians appointed as general Agesipolis their king, gave him an adequate army, and voted to make war on the Olynthians.1 On his arrival in Olynthian territory, he took under his command the soldiers previously encamped there and continued the war against the inhabitants. The Olynthians, however, engaged in no important battle this year, but to the end fought only by exchanges of missiles and short engagements, being in awe of the strength of the king’s army.

23. At the close of the year Pythias was archon 380/79 b.c. at Athens, and at Rome six military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Lucius Servilius, Lucius Julius, Aquilius, Lucius Lucretius, and Servius Sulpicius; and in this year the Eleians celebrated the hundredth Olympiad, at which Dionysodorus of Tarentum won the stadium race. During their term of office Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, died of illness2 after a reign of fourteen years; Cleombrotus his brother succeeded to the throne and reigned for nine years.3 The Lacedaemonians appointed Polybiadas general and sent him to the war against the Olynthians. He took over the forces, and, prosecuting the war vigorously and with able generalship, was often superior. With ever-increasing success, after several victories, he reduced

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νικήσας συνέκλεισε τοὺς Ὀλυνθίους εἰς πολιορκίαν· τέλος δὲ καταπληξάμενος τοὺς πολεμίους προσέταξεν ὑποταγῆναι Λακεδαιμονίοις. ἐγγραφέντων δὲ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων εἰς τὴν τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν συμμαχίαν, πολλαὶ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἔσπευσαν εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγεμονίαν καταλεχθῆναι. διὸ καὶ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιροὺς πλεῖστον ἴσχυσαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔσχον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν 4κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν. Θηβαῖοι μὲν γὰρ ὑπῆρχον ἔμφρουροι, Κορίνθιοι δὲ καὶ Ἀργεῖοι διὰ τοὺς προγεγονότας πολέμους ὑπῆρχον τεταπεινωμένοι, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ διὰ τὰς1 τῶν καταπολεμουμένων2 κληρουχίας ἠδόξουν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν· οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῆς τε πολυανθρωπίας καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις μελέτης πολλὴν πρόνοιαν ἐπεποίηντο, καὶ φοβεροὶ πᾶσιν ὑπῆρχον διὰ τὴν 5δύναμιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας. διόπερ οἱ μέγιστοι τῶν τότε δυναστῶν, λέγω δὲ τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν Σικελίας δυνάστην Διονύσιον, ἐθεράπευον τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν ἔσπευδον συντίθεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς.

24. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Νίκωνος Ῥωμαῖοι χιλιάρχους ἓξ ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων κατέστησαν, Λεύκιον Παπίριον, Γάιον Σερουίλιον,3 Λεύκιον Κοΐνκτιον, Λεύκιον Κορνήλιον, Λεύκιον Οὐαλέριον,

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the Olynthians to a state of siege. In the end he 380/79 b.c. thoroughly cowed his enemies and forced them to become subjects of the Lacedaemonians.1 With the enrolment of the Olynthians in the Spartan alliance many other states likewise were eager to enlist under the Lacedaemonian standard. As a result the Lacedaemonians at this particular juncture reached their greatest power and won the overlordship of Greece on both land and sea.2 For the Thebans were secured by a garrison; the Corinthians and the Argives were safely humbled as a result of the previous wars; the Athenians, because of their policy of occupying with colonists the lands of those whom they subdued,3 had a bad reputation with the Greeks; the Lacedaemonians, however, had given their constant attention to securing a large population4 and practice in the use of arms, and so were become an object of terror to all because of the strength of their following. Consequently the greatest rulers of that time, the Persian King and Dionysius5 the tyrant of Sicily, paid court to the Spartan overlordship and sought alliance with them.

24. When Nicon was archon at Athens, the Romans 379/8 b.c. elected six military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Papirius, Gaius Servilius, Lucius Quinctius, Lucius Cornelius, Lucius Valerius, and Aulus Manlius.

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Αὖλον Μάλλιον.1 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Καρχηδόνιοι στρατεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν τοῖς μὲν Ἱππωνιάταις ἐκπεπτωκόσιν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἀποκατέστησαν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πάντας τοὺς πεφευγότας συναγαγόντες 2πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτῶν ἐποιήσαντο. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα λοιμικῆς νόσου τοῖς κατοικοῦσι τὴν Καρχηδόνα γενομένης, καὶ τῆς νόσου πολλὴν ἐπίτασιν ἐχούσης, πολλοὶ τῶν Καρχηδονίων διεφθάρησαν, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐκινδύνευσαν ἀποβαλεῖν· οἵ τε γὰρ Λίβυες καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν, οἵ τε τὴν Σαρδόνα κατοικοῦντες, νομίσαντες ἔχειν καιρὸν κατὰ τῶν Καρχηδονίων, ἀπέστησαν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν καὶ συμφρονήσαντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις. 3ἐγένετο δὲ περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν θεόπεμπτός τις ἀτυχία κατὰ τὴν Καρχηδόνα· ταραχαὶ γὰρ καὶ φόβοι καὶ πανικοὶ θόρυβοι συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο κατὰ τὴν πόλιν παράδοξοι, καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐξεπήδων ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν, ὡς πολεμίων εἰσπεπτωκότων εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὡς πολεμίους διαπολεμοῦντες, οὓς μὲν ἀνῄρουν, οὓς δὲ κατετραυμάτιζον. τέλος δὲ θυσίαις τὸ θεῖον ἐξιλασάμενοι καὶ μόγις τῶν2 κακῶν ἀπαλλαγέντες, ταχὺ καὶ τοὺς Λίβυας κατεπολέμησαν καὶ τὴν νῆσον ἀνεκτήσαντο.

25. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Ναυσινίκου Ῥωμαῖοι χιλιάρχους τέσσαρας ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων κατέστησαν, Μάρκον Κορνήλιον καὶ Κόιντον Σερουίλιον,3 Μάρκον Φούριον καὶ Λεύκιον Κοΐνκτιον.4

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During their term of office the Carthaginians invaded 379/8 B.C. Italy and restored their city to the Hipponiatae1 who had been exiled from it, and, having gathered together all the refugees, they showed themselves very solicitous of their welfare. After this a plague broke out among the inhabitants of Carthage which was so violent and took off so many of the Carthaginians that they risked losing their commanding position. For the Libyans, undervaluing them, seceded, and the Sardinians, thinking they now had an opportunity to oppose the Carthaginians, revolted, and, making common cause, attacked the Carthaginians. And about the same time a supernatural disaster befell Carthage; for turmoils and fears and panicky disturbances constantly occurred throughout the city defying explanation; and many men rushed from their houses in arms, having the impression that enemies had burst into the city, and they fought constantly with one another as if with enemies, killing some and wounding others. Finally, after having propitiated the deity by sacrifices and with difficulty rid themselves of their misfortunes, they quickly subdued the Libyans and recovered the island of Sardinia.

25. When Nausinicus was archon at Athens, the 378/7 Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Marcus Cornelius Quintus Servilius, Marcus Furius, and Lucius Quinctius. During their term of

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ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ὁ κληθεὶς Βοιωτικὸς πόλεμος ἐνέστη Λακεδαιμονίοις πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. τὴν Καδμείαν φρουρούντων Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδίκως καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ἀξιολόγων ἀνδρῶν πεφυγαδευκότων, συνεστράφησαν οἱ φυγάδες, καὶ συνεπιλαβομένων Ἀθηναίων κατῆλθον εἰς τὴν πατρίδα νυκτός. 2καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρονοῦντας ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις οἰκίαις ἐφόνευσαν, ἔτι κοιμωμένους καταλαβόντες· ἔπειτα τοὺς πολίτας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν παρακαλέσαντες συνεργοὺς ἔσχον ἅπαντας τοὺς Θηβαίους. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους συνδραμόντος μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων, ἅμ᾿ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν Καδμείαν πολιορκεῖν 3ἐπεχείρησαν. οἱ δὲ φρουροῦντες τὴν ἄκραν Λακεδαιμόνιοι, μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων ὄντες οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων, εἰς μὲν τὴν Σπάρτην ἐξέπεμψαν τοὺς δηλώσοντας τὴν τῶν Θηβαίων ἐπανάστασιν καὶ βοηθεῖν τὴν ταχίστην παρακαλέσοντας, αὐτοὶ δ᾿ ἐκ τόπων ὑπερδεξίων ἀμυνόμενοι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῄρουν 4οὐκ ὀλίγους δὲ κατετραυμάτιζον. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι μεγάλην δύναμιν προσδοκῶντες ἥξειν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἐξέπεμψαν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας ὑπομιμνήσκοντες μὲν ὅτι καὶ αὐτοὶ συγκατήγαγον τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ἀθηναίων καθ᾿ ὃν καιρὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τριάκοντα τυράννων κατεδουλώθησαν, ἀξιοῦντες δὲ πανδημεὶ βοηθῆσαι καὶ πρὸ τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων παρουσίας συνεκπολεμῆσαι τὴν Καδμείαν.

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office what is known as the Boeotian War broke out 378/7 b between the Lacedaemonians and the Boeotians for the following reasons. When the Lacedaemonians maintained a garrison unjustly in the Cadmeia and had exiled many important citizens, the exiles gathered together, secured the support of the Athenians, and returned by night to their native city. Having first slain in their own houses those who favoured the Lacedaemonian cause, whom they surprised while still asleep,1 they next rallied the citizens to the cause of freedom and obtained the co-operation of all the Thebans. When the populace had quickly assembled under arms, at daybreak they attempted to assault the Cadmeia. The Lacedaemonians who formed the garrison of the citadel, numbering with their allies not less than fifteen hundred, sent men to Sparta to announce the insurrection of the Thebans and to urge them to send help as soon as possible. Favoured by their position, they slew many of the attackers and wounded severely no small number. The Thebans, anticipating the arrival of a large army from Greece to aid the Lacedaemonians, dispatched envoys to Athens to remind them that they too once aided in restoring the democracy of the Athenians at the time when the Athenians had been enslaved by the Thirty Tyrants,2 and to request the Athenians to come with all their forces and assist them in reducing the Cadmeia before the arrival of the Lacedaemonians.

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26. Ὁ δὲ δῆμος τῶν Ἀθηναίων διακούσας τῶν πρέσβεων ἐψηφίσατο παραχρῆμα δύναμιν ὡς πλείστην ἀποστεῖλαι τὴν ἐλευθερώσουσαν τὰς Θήβας, ἅμα μὲν τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἀποδιδοὺς τὰς χάριτας ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἐξιδιώσασθαι καὶ συναγωνιστὰς ἰσχυροὺς ἔχειν κατὰ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπεροχῆς· τὸ γὰρ ἔθνος τοῦτο καὶ πλήθει τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ κατὰ πόλεμον οὐδενὸς 2τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν1 ἐδόκει λείπεσθαι. τέλος δὲ Δημοφῶν κατασταθεὶς στρατηγός, καὶ παραχρῆμα πεντακισχιλίους ὁπλίτας καὶ πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς καταλέξας, τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τὴν δύναμιν ἅμ᾿ ἡμέρᾳ προήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ δρομαῖος ἠπείγετο, φθάσαι σπεύδων τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους· οὐδὲν δ᾿ ἧττον ὁ δῆμος παρεσκευάζετο πανδημεὶ στρατεύειν 3εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ἐὰν ᾖ χρεία. ὁ δὲ Δημοφῶν συντόμοις2 ταῖς ὁδοῖς χρησάμενος παραδόξως ἐπεφάνη τοῖς Θηβαίοις. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν πολλῶν στρατιωτῶν συνδραμόντων, ταχὺ μεγάλη δύναμις ἠθροίσθη 4τοῖς Θηβαίοις. ὁπλῖται μὲν γὰρ συνῆλθον οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων, ἱππεῖς δὲ

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26. The Athenian people heard the ambassadors 378/7 b.c through to the end and voted1 to dispatch immediately as large a force as possible for the liberation of Thebes, thus repaying their obligation for the former service and at the same time moved by a desire to win the Boeotians to their side and to have in them a powerful partner in the contest against the superiority of the Lacedaemonians. For the Boeotian was reputed to be inferior to none of the Greek nations in the number of its men and in military valour. Finally Demophon, who had been made general, and had immediately raised a levy of five thousand hoplites and five hundred horse, on the following day at dawn led forth his troops from the city, and pressed on at full speed in an effort to outstrip the Lacedaemonians; but the Athenians none the less went on with their preparations for an expedition into Boeotia with all their forces in case of need. Demophon by taking cross-country paths appeared unexpectedly before Thebes. And since many soldiers likewise came hurriedly together from the other cities of Boeotia, there was quickly assembled a great army for the support of the Thebans. For not less than twelve thousand hoplites and more than

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πλείους τῶν δισχιλίων. πάντων δὲ προθύμως ἐπὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν ὁρμησάντων διελόμενοι τὰ πλήθη τὰς προσβολὰς ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἐποιοῦντο, προσκαρτεροῦντες τοῖς κινδύνοις συνεχῶς καὶ καθ᾿ ἡμέραν καὶ νυκτός.

27. Οἱ δ᾿ ἐν τῇ Καδμείᾳ φρουροῦντες1 παρακληθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων εὐρώστως ἠμύνοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐλπίζοντες συντόμως ἥξειν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως. ἕως μὲν οὖν εἶχον τροφὰς ἱκανάς, ἐνεκαρτέρουν τοῖς δεινοῖς, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν πολιορκούντων ἀπέκτεινον καὶ κατετραυμάτιζον, συνεργὸν ἔχοντες τὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ὀχυρότητα· ὡς δ᾿ ἡ μὲν τῶν ἀναγκαίων σπάνις ἐπέτεινεν, οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ περὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς ὄντες ἐχρόνιζον, ἐστασίαζον πρὸς ἀλλήλους. 2οἱ μὲν γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέχρι θανάτου καρτερεῖν ᾤοντο δεῖν, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν συμμαχίδων πόλεων συστρατεύσαντες, ὄντες πολλαπλάσιοι, παραδιδόναι τὴν Καδμείαν ἀπεφήναντο· συνηναγκάσθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Σπάρτης, ὄντες ὀλίγοι, παραχωρῆσαι τῆς ἀκροπόλεως. διόπερ οὗτοι μὲν ὑπόσπονδοι καθ᾿ ὁμολογίαν ἀφεθέντες 3εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἀπηλλάγησαν, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δυνάμεσιν ἀξιολόγοις προσιόντες ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας, καὶ βραχὺ τῶν καιρῶν ὑστερήσαντες, ἄπρακτον ἔσχον τὴν ἐπιβολήν. τοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνας τῆς φρουρᾶς τρεῖς ὄντας μετέστησαν2 εἰς κρίσιν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν δύο κατεδίκασαν θανάτῳ, τὸν μέντοι τρίτον τοσούτῳ πλήθει χρημάτων ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι 4τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ τοσαῦτα χρήματα ἐκτῖσαι. μετὰ

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two thousand horse were assembled. And since they 378/7 b.c. were one and all eager for the siege, dividing their forces they kept making their assaults in relays, maintaining a persistent attack at all times both day and night.

27. The garrison in the Cadmeia under the exhortations of their commanders stoutly defended themselves against their adversaries, expecting that the Lacedaemonians would come shortly with a large army. Now as long as they had sufficient food, they held out stubbornly against the attacks and slew and wounded many of their besiegers, supported by the strength of the citadel; but when the scarcity of provisions increased and the Lacedaemonians, occupied in mustering forces, were long in coming, dissension spread amongst them. For the Lacedaemonians among them thought they should hold out till death, while their partners in war from the allied cities, who were many times their number, declared themselves for surrendering the Cadmeia. Under such compulsion even the men from Sparta itself, who were but few, joined in the evacuation of the citadel. These therefore capitulated on terms and returned to the Peloponnese; but the Lacedaemonians advanced with a considerable force on Thebes, and, coming just too late, were unsuccessful in their attack.1 They put on trial the three officers of the garrison, sentenced two to death, and inflicted so heavy a fine upon the third that his estate could not pay it. Subsequently the

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δὲ ταῦτ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν πατρίδα, Θηβαῖοι δὲ Θεσπιὰς πολιορκήσαντες ἄπρακτον ἔσχον τὴν ἐπιβολήν.

Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν1 ἐπὶ ἀτελείᾳ πεντακοσίους ἀποίκους εἰς Σαρδονίαν2 ἀπέστειλαν.

28. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Καλλέου3 Ῥωμαῖοι χιλιάρχους ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων κατέστησαν τέτταρας, Λεύκιον Παπίριον, Μάρκον Πόπλιον, Τίτον Κορνήλιον, Κόιντον4 Λεύκιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων, Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπταικότων περὶ τὰς Θήβας, οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ θαρρήσαντες συνεστράφησαν, καὶ κοινὴν συμμαχίαν ποιησάμενοι, δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον συνεστήσαντο, προσδοκῶντες ἥξειν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους 2μεγάλαις δυνάμεσιν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πρέσβεις τοὺς ἀξιολογωτάτους τῶν παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ἐξέπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπὸ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τεταγμένας πόλεις, παρακαλοῦντες ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς κοινῆς ἐλευθερίας. οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς περὶ αὐτοὺς δυνάμεως ὑπεροπτικῶς καὶ βαρέως ἦρχον τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων· διόπερ πολλοὶ τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτοὺς τεταγμένων ἀπέκλινον 3πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. πρῶτοι δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὑπήκουσαν Χῖοι καὶ Βυζάντιοι, καὶ μετὰ τούτους Ῥόδιοι καὶ Μυτιληναῖοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς νησιωτῶν· αἰεὶ δὲ μᾶλλον αὐξομένης τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὁρμῆς πολλαὶ πόλεις προσέθεντο

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Athenians returned home, and the Thebans assailed 378/7 b.c. Thespiae but were unsuccessful in their attack.

While these things were taking place in Greece, the Romans dispatched five hundred colonists, who were to be exempt from taxes, to Sardinia.1

28. When Calleas was archon at Athens, the 377/6 b.c. Romans elected as military tribunes with consular power four men, Lucius Papirius, Marcus Publius, Titus Cornelius, and Quintus Lucius. During their term of office, following the failure of the Lacedaemonians at Thebes, the Boeotians, uniting boldly, formed an alliance and gathered a considerable army, expecting that the Lacedaemonians would arrive in Boeotia in great strength. The Athenians sent their most respected citizens as ambassadors to the cities which were subject to the Lacedaemonians, urging them to adhere to the common cause of liberty. For the Lacedaemonians, relying on the size of the force at their disposal, ruled their subject peoples inconsiderately and severely, and consequently many of those who belonged to the Spartan sphere of influence fell away to the Athenians. The first to respond to the plea to secede were the peoples of Chios and Byzantium; they were followed by the peoples of Rhodes and Mytilenê and certain others of the islanders; and as the movement steadily gathered force throughout Greece, many cities

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τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. ὁ δὲ δῆμος μετεωρισθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν πόλεων1 εὐνοίᾳ κοινὸν συνέδριον ἁπάντων τῶν συμμάχων συνεστήσαντο καὶ συνέδρους ἀπέδειξαν 4ἑκάστης πόλεως. ἐτάχθη δ᾿ ἀπὸ τῆς κοινῆς γνώμης τὸ μὲν συνέδριον ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις συνεδρεύειν, πόλιν δὲ ἐπ᾿ ἴσης καὶ μεγάλην καὶ μικρὰν μιᾶς ψήφου κυρίαν εἶναι, πάσας δ᾿ ὑπάρχειν αὐτονόμους, ἡγεμόσι χρωμένας Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν πόλεων2 ὁρῶντες ἀκατάσχετον οὖσαν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν, ὅμως πρεσβείαις καὶ λόγοις φιλανθρώποις, ἔτι δ᾿ ἐπαγγελίαις εὐεργετικαῖς ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο διορθοῦσθαι τὰς ἀλλοτριότητας 5τῶν ἀνθρώπων. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευῆς ἐποιοῦντο πολλὴν φροντίδα, προσδοκῶντες μέγαν καὶ πολυχρόνιον αὑτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὸν Βοιωτικὸν πόλεμον, συμμαχούντων τοῖς Θηβαίοις τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων τῶν κοινωνούντων τοῦ συνεδρίου.

29. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ἄκορις ὁ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεύς, ἀλλοτρίως διακείμενος πρὸς τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα, δυνάμεις ξενικὰς ἀξιολόγους ἤθροισε· μεγάλους γὰρ μισθοὺς τοῖς ὑπακούουσι προτιθείς,3 συχνοὺς δ᾿4 εὐεργετῶν, ταχὺ πολλοὺς ἔσχε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπακούοντας πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν.

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attached themselves to the Athenians.1 The democracy, 377/6 b.c. elated by the loyalty of the cities, established a common council of all the allies and appointed representatives of each state. It was agreed by common consent that, while the council should hold its sessions in Athens, every city great and small should be on an equal basis and enjoy but one vote, and that all should continue independent, accepting the Athenians as leaders. The Lacedaemonians, aware that the movement of their cities to secede could not be checked, nevertheless strove earnestly by means of diplomatic missions, friendly words and promises of benefits to win back the peoples who had become estranged. Likewise they devoted themselves assiduously to their preparations for war, for they expected the Boeotian War to be a hard and tedious affair for them, since the Athenians and the rest of the Greeks who participated in the council were allied with the Thebans.

29. While these things were going on, Acoris, the king of the Egyptians, being on unfriendly terms with the Persian King, collected a large mercenary force; for by offering high pay to those who enrolled and doing favours to many of them, he quickly induced many of the Greeks to take service with him for the

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2οὐκ ἔχων1 δὲ στρατηγὸν ἀξιόχρεων, μετεπέμψατο Χαβρίαν τὸν Ἀθηναῖον, ἄνδρα καὶ φρονήσει2 καὶ συνέσει στρατηγικῇ διάφορον καὶ δόξαν ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ μεγάλην περιπεποιημένον.3 οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἄνευ τῆς τοῦ δήμου γνώμης προσδεξάμενος τὴν στρατηγίαν ἀφηγεῖτο τῶν κατ᾿ Αἴγυπτον δυνάμεων, καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς παρεσκευάζετο 3πολεμεῖν πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας. Φαρνάβαζος δ᾿ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀναδεδειγμένος στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ4 τῆς Περσικῆς δυνάμεως παρασκευὰς μεγάλας ἐποιήσατο τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον χρησίμων· ἐξέπεμψε δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πρέσβεις, κατηγορῶν μὲν Χαβρίου, ὅτι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἡγούμενος ἀπαλλοτριοῖ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εὔνοιαν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου, παρακαλῶν δὲ 4στρατηγὸν Ἰφικράτην αὑτῷ δοῦναι. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι, σπεύδοντες τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Περσῶν εἰς εὔνοιαν προσαγαγέσθαι καὶ τὸν Φαρνάβαζον ἰδιοποιήσασθαι, ταχέως τόν τε Χαβρίαν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου μετεπέμψαντο καὶ τὸν Ἰφικράτην στρατηγὸν ἐξαπέστειλαν συμμαχήσοντα τοῖς Πέρσαις.

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campaign.1 But having no capable general, he sent 377/6 b.c. for Chabrias the Athenian, a man distinguished both for his prudence as general and his shrewdness in the art of war, who had also won great repute for personal prowess. Now Chabrias, without first securing the permission of the Athenian people, accepted the appointment and took command of the forces in Egypt and with great dispatch made preparations to fight the Persians.2 But Pharnabazus, who had been appointed by the King general of the Persian armies, prepared large supplies of war material, and also sent ambassadors to Athens, first to denounce Chabrias, who by becoming general of the Egyptians was alienating, so he said, the King’s affection from the people of Athens, and, secondly, to urge them to give him Iphicrates as general. The Athenians, being eager to gain the favour of the Persian King and to incline Pharnabazus to themselves, quickly recalled Chabrias from Egypt3 and dispatched Iphicrates4 as general to act in alliance with the Persians.

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5Τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις σπονδὰς πεποιημένοις ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις συνέβαινε μένειν τὴν εἰρήνην μέχρι τῶνδε τῶν καιρῶν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Σφοδριάδου τοῦ Σπαρτιάτου τεταγμένου μὲν ἐφ᾿ ἡγεμονίας, φύσει δ᾿ ὄντος μετεώρου καὶ προπετοῦς, ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν Κλεόμβροτος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἄνευ τῆς γνώμης τῶν ἐφόρων 6καταλαβέσθαι τὸν Πειραιᾶ. ὁ δὲ Σφοδριάδης ἔχων στρατιώτας πλείους τῶν μυρίων ἐπεβάλετο μὲν τῆς νυκτὸς καταλαβέσθαι τὸν Πειραιᾶ· καταφανὴς δὲ γενόμενος Ἀθηναίοις καὶ διαμαρτὼν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἄπρακτος ἐπανῆλθεν. κατηγορηθεὶς δ᾿ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, καὶ συναγωνιστὰς ἔχων 7τοὺς βασιλεῖς, ἀδίκως ἀπελύθη. διόπερ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι χαλεπῶς φέροντες ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν, ἐψηφίσαντο λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων. κρίναντες δὲ πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς1 στρατηγοὺς τρεῖς εἵλαντο τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν πολιτῶν, Τιμόθεον καὶ Χαβρίαν καὶ Καλλίστρατον. ἐψηφίσαντο

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The truce which the Lacedaemonians and Athenians 377/6 b.c. had concluded in the earlier period1 remained unshaken up to this time. But now Sphodriades the Spartan, who had been placed in command and was by nature flighty and precipitate, was prevailed upon by Cleombrotus,2 the king of the Lacedaemonians, without the consent of the ephors to occupy the Peiraeus. Sphodriades with more than ten thousand soldiers attempted to occupy the Peiraeus at night,3 but he was detected by the Athenians and, failing in the attempt, returned without accomplishing anything. He was then denounced before the council of the Spartans, but since he had the kings to support him, he got off by a miscarriage of justice.4 As a result the Athenians, much vexed at the occurrence, voted that the truce had been broken by the Lacedaemonians.5 They then decided to make war on them and chose three of their most distinguished citizens as generals, Timotheüs,6 Chabrias, and

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δὲ στρατιώτας μὲν ὁπλίτας καταλέξαι δισμυρίους ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους, ναῦς δὲ πληρῶσαι διακοσίας. προσελάβοντο δὲ καὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους ἐπὶ 8τὸ κοινὸν συνέδριον ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις πᾶσιν. ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καὶ τὰς γενομένας κληρουχίας ἀποκαταστῆσαι τοῖς πρότερον κυρίοις γεγονόσι, καὶ νόμον ἔθεντο μηδένα τῶν Ἀθηναίων γεωργεῖν ἐκτὸς τῆς Ἀττικῆς. διὰ δὲ ταύτης τῆς φιλανθρωπίας ἀνακτησάμενοι τὴν παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὔνοιαν, ἰσχυροτέραν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἰδίαν ἡγεμονίαν.

30. Πολλαὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων διὰ τὴν εἰρημένην αἰτίαν προεκλήθησαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἀποκλῖναι, πρῶται δὲ καὶ προθυμότατα συνεμάχησαν αἱ κατὰ τὴν Εὔβοιαν οἰκοῦσαι χωρὶς Ἑστιαίας· αὕτη γὰρ εὐηργετημένη μὲν1 ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων μεγάλα πεπολεμημένη δὲ δεινῶς ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων, εὐλόγως πρὸς μὲν Ἀθηναίους ἀδιάλυτον ἐφύλαττε2 τὴν ἔχθραν πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας 2βεβαίαν τὴν3 πίστιν διεφύλαττεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις εἰς συμμαχίαν συνέβησαν ἑβδομήκοντα πόλεις καὶ μετέσχον ἐπ᾿ ἴσης τοῦ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου· διὸ καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις αἰεὶ μᾶλλον τῆς δυνάμεως αὐξομένης τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις ταπεινουμένης, ἐφάμιλλον τὴν ἰσχὺν τῶν πόλεων συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι, τῶν πραγμάτων

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Callistratus.1 They voted to levy twenty thousand hoplites 377/6 b.c. and five hundred cavalry, and to man two hundred ships. They likewise admitted the Thebans into the common council on terms equal in all respects.2 They voted also to restore the land settled by cleruchs3 to its former owners and passed a law that no Athenian should cultivate lands outside of Attica.4 By this generous act they recovered the goodwill of the Greeks and made their own leadership more secure.

30. Now many of the other cities for the aforesaid reason were prompted to fall away to Athens; and the first to join in the alliance and the most eager were the cities of Euboea excepting Hestiaea5; for Hestiaea, having been treated most generously by the Lacedaemonians while she had suffered terribly in war with the Athenians, had very good reason for maintaining unabated her enmity to Athens and for continuing to observe inviolate her pledge to Sparta. Nevertheless seventy cities eventually entered into alliance with the Athenians and participated on equal footing in the common council. So with the constant increase in the strength of the Athenians and the diminution of that of the Lacedaemonians the two states were now well matched. The Athenians, seeing

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αὐτοῖς κατὰ νοῦν προχωρούντων, δύναμιν ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Εὔβοιαν τὴν παραφυλάξουσαν μὲν τοὺς συμμάχους, καταπολεμήσουσαν δὲ τοὺς 3ἐναντίους. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Εὔβοιαν βραχὺ μὲν πρὸ τούτων τῶν χρόνων Νεογένης τις ὄνομα μετ᾿ Ἰάσονος τοῦ Φεραίου συλλέξας στρατιώτας κατελάβετο τήν τε ἀκρόπολιν τῶν Ἑστιαιέων, καὶ τύραννον ἑαυτὸν ἀπέδειξε ταύτης τῆς χώρας καὶ τῆς τῶν Ὠρειτῶν1 πόλεως. ἄρχοντος δ᾿ αὐτοῦ βιαίως καὶ ὑπερηφάνως Λακεδαιμόνιοι Θηριπίδην ἀπέστειλαν 4ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεχείρει λόγοις πεῖσαι τὸν τύραννον ἐκχωρεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως· ὡς δ᾿ οὐ προσεῖχε, παρακαλέσας τοὺς ἐγχωρίους πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐξεπολιόρκησε2 τὸ χωρίον καὶ τοῖς Ὠρείταις1 τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀποκατέστησεν, δι᾿ ἣν αἰτίαν οἱ τὴν Ἑστιαιέων καλουμένην χώραν οἰκοῦντες οἰκείως διετέθησαν πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας, καὶ 5βεβαίως ἐτήρουν τὴν φιλίαν. τῆς δ᾿ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐκπεμφθείσης δυνάμεως ἡγούμενος Χαβρίας ἐπόρθησε τὴν Ἑστιαιῶτιν χώραν, καὶ τὴν καλουμένην μὲν Μητρόπολιν, κειμένην δ᾿ ἐπί τινος ἐρυμνοῦ λόφου, τειχίσας, ἀπέλιπεν ἐν αὐτῇ φρουράν, αὐτὸς δὲ ταῖς Κυκλάσι νήσοις ἐπιπλέων προσηγάγετο Πεπάρηθον καὶ Σκίαθον καί τινας ἄλλας τεταγμένας ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίοις.

31. Οἱ δὲ ὁρῶντες τὴν τῶν συμμάχων ὁρμὴν πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἀκατάσχετον οὖσαν, ἐπαύσαντο τῆς προϋπαρχούσης βαρύτητος καὶ ταῖς

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affairs proceeding to their liking, dispatched a 377/6 b.c. force to Euboea to serve at once as a protection for their allies and to subdue the opposition. In Euboea a short time before this a certain Neogenes with the assistance of Jason of Pherae had gathered soldiers and occupied the citadel of Hestiaea,1 and so appointed himself tyrant of this country and of the city of the Oreitans. Because of his violent and arrogant rule the Lacedaemonians had then dispatched Theripides against him. Theripides at first endeavoured to prevail upon the tyrant by reasoning with him to leave the citadel; but when the tyrant paid no heed to him, he rallied the people of the district to the cause of freedom, took the place by storm, and restored their freedom to the people of Oreüs. For this reason the people who inhabit what is known as the country of the Hestiaeans continued to be loyal to the Spartans and preserved intact their friendship. Chabrias, in command of the force dispatched by the Athenians,2 laid waste Hestiaeotis, and, fortifying its Metropolis, as it is called, which is situated on a naturally steep hill, left a garrison in it, and then sailed to the Cyclades and won over Peparethos and Sciathos and some other islands which had been subject to the Lacedaemonians.

31. The Spartans, perceiving that the impulse of their allies to secede was not to be checked, put an end to their former severity and began to treat the

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πόλεσι φιλανθρώπως προσεφέροντο. τοιαύταις1 δ᾿ ὁμιλίαις καὶ εὐεργεσίαις χρησάμενοι εὐνουστέρους ἅπαντας τοὺς συμμάχους κατεσκεύασαν. ὁρῶντες δὲ τὸν πόλεμον αὐξόμενον καὶ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ἐπιδεόμενον,2 τάς τε ἄλλας παρασκευὰς ἐποιοῦντο φιλοτίμως καὶ τὴν διάταξιν καὶ τὴν διαίρεσιν τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ λειτουργιῶν περιττότερον 2ἐξειργάσαντο. τάς τε γὰρ πόλεις καὶ τοὺς καταλεγομένους στρατιώτας εἰς τὸν πόλεμον διεῖλαν εἰς δέκα μέρη· τούτων δὲ πρώτην ἐπεῖχον μερίδα Λακεδαιμόνιοι, δευτέραν δὲ καὶ τρίτην Ἀρκάδες, τετάρτην δ᾿ Ἠλεῖοι, πέμπτην δ᾿ Ἀχαιοί· καὶ τὴν μὲν ἕκτην ἐπλήρουν Κορίνθιοι καὶ Μεγαρεῖς, τὴν δ᾿ ἑβδόμην Σικυώνιοι καὶ Φλιάσιοι καὶ οἱ τὴν Ἀκτὴν καλουμένην οἰκοῦντες, τὴν δ᾿ ὀγδόην Ἀκαρνᾶνες, ἐνάτην δὲ Φωκεῖς καὶ Λοκροί, τὴν δ᾿ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύνθιοι καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης κατοικοῦντες σύμμαχοι. ἦν δ᾿ αὐτοῖς ὁ μὲν ὁπλίτης πρὸς δύο ψιλοὺς τεταγμένος, ὁ δ᾿ ἱππεὺς πρὸς τέτταρας 3ὁπλίτας ἰσαζόμενος. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς συντάξεως οὔσης, ἡγεῖτο τῆς στρατιᾶς Ἀγησίλαος ὁ βασιλεύς· περιβόητος δ᾿ ἦν ἐπ᾿3 ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ στρατηγικῇ συνέσει καὶ σχεδὸν ἀνίκητος γεγονὼς ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις. ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς λοιποῖς πολέμοις ἐθαυμάσθη, καὶ καθ᾿ ὃν καιρὸν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπολέμουν4 τοῖς Πέρσαις, παραταξάμενος καὶ πολλαπλασίονα δύναμιν νικήσας, πολλὴν τῆς Ἀσίας

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cities humanely. By this sort of treatment and by 377/6 b.c. benefactions they rendered all their allies more loyal. And now that they saw that the war was becoming more serious and required strict attention, they set ambitiously to work on their various preparations for it, and in particular brought to greater perfection the organization and distribution of their soldiers and the services. In fact they divided the cities and the soldiers that were levied for the war into ten parts.1 The first part included the Lacedaemonians, the second and third the Arcadians, the fourth the Eleians, the fifth the Achaeans. Corinthians and Megarians supplied the sixth, the seventh the Sicyonians and Phliasians and the inhabitants of the promontory called Actê,2 the eighth the Acarnanians, the ninth the Phocians and Locrians, and the last of all the Olynthians and the allies who lived in Thrace. They reckoned one hoplite to two light-armed, and one horseman as equivalent to four hoplites.3 Such was the organization, and King Agesilaüs was put in command of the campaign. He was renowned for courage and shrewdness in the art of war and had been all but invincible in the former periods. For in all his wars he won admiration and especially when the Lacedaemonians were fighting the Persians. For he gave battle and won the victory over a force of many times his own number; then he overran a large part

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ἐπῆλθε κρατῶν τῶν ὑπαίθρων, καὶ πέρας, εἰ μὴ μετεπέμψαντο αὐτὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται διά τινας πολιτικὰς χρείας, σχεδὸν ἂν καὶ τὴν ὅλην τῶν Περσῶν βασιλείαν εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους κινδύνους κατέστησεν. 4ἦν γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος δραστικὸς καὶ μετὰ συνέσεως πολλῆς θρασὺς καὶ παραβόλοις πράξεσι χρώμενος. διὸ καὶ τότε θεωροῦντες οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ πολέμου προσδεόμενον ἡγεμόνος ἀξιολόγου, τοῦτον τοῦ πολέμου παντὸς ἡγεμόνα κατέστησαν.

32. Ὁ δ᾿ Ἀγησίλαος προαγαγὼν1 τὴν δύναμιν, ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ἔχων τοὺς σύμπαντας στρατιώτας πλείους τῶν μυρίων ὀκτακισχιλίων, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ2 Λακεδαιμονίων πέντε μόραι· τὴν δὲ μόραν3 ἀναπληροῦσιν ἄνδρες πεντακόσιοι. ὁ δὲ Σκιρίτης καλούμενος λόχος παρὰ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις οὐ συντάττεται μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων, ἀλλ᾿ ἰδίαν ἔχων σύστασιν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἵσταται, καὶ παραβοηθεῖ τοῖς αἰεὶ θλιβομένοις μέρεσι· συνεστὼς δ᾿ ἐξ ἐπιλέκτων ἀνθρώπων μεγάλας ποιεῖται ῥοπὰς ἐν ταῖς παρατάξεσι καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον αἴτιος γίνεται τῆς νίκης. ἱππεῖς δ᾿ εἶχεν ὁ Ἀγησίλαος 2χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους. οὗτος μὲν οὖν παραγενόμενος εἰς πόλιν Θεσπιάς, φρουρουμένην ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, πλησίον ταύτης κατεστρατοπέδευσε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐφ᾿ ἡμέρας τινὰς ἀνελάμβανεν ἐκ τῆς κακοπαθείας. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πυθόμενοι τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων παρουσίαν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, εὐθὺς ἐβοήθουν εἰς τὰς Θήβας,

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of Asia,1 mastering the open country, and finally 377/6 b.c. would probably have succeeded, had not the Spartans recalled him because of political affairs, in reducing the whole Persian empire to the direst straits. For he was a man of energy, daring but highly intelligent, engaging in hazardous actions. Accordingly the Spartans, seeing that the magnitude of the war called for a first-rate leader, again appointed him commander of the whole war.

32. Agesilaüs led forth his army and reached Boeotia accompanied by all the soldiers, amounting to more than eighteen thousand, in which were the five divisions of Lacedaemonians. Each division contained five hundred men. The company known as Sciritae2 amongst the Spartans is not drawn up with the rest, but has its own station with the king and it goes to the support of the sections that from time to time are in distress; and since it is composed of picked men, it is an important factor in turning the scale in pitched battles, and generally determines the victory. Agesilaüs also had fifteen hundred cavalry. Passing on then to the city of Thespiae, which was garrisoned by the Lacedaemonians, he encamped near it and for several days rested his men from the hardships of the march. The Athenians, having become aware of the arrival of the Lacedaemonians in Boeotia, immediately went to the assistance of

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ἔχοντες πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ 3διακοσίους. τούτων δὲ τῶν δυνάμεων ἀθροισθεισῶν εἰς ἕνα τόπον, οἱ μὲν Θηβαῖοι λόφον τινὰ κατελάβοντο παραμήκη, σταδίους ἀπέχοντα τῆς πόλεως εἴκοσι, καὶ πρόβλημα ποιησάμενοι τὰς δυσχωρίας ἀνέμενον τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον· τὴν γὰρ Ἀγησιλάου δόξαν καταπεπληγμένοι τὸν ἐν τοῖς 4πεδίοις ἐξ ἴσου κίνδυνον ὑπομένειν εὐλαβοῦντο. ὁ δ᾿ Ἀγησίλαος συντεταγμένῃ τῇ δυνάμει προάγων ἐπὶ τοὺς Βοιωτούς, ὡς ἤγγισε τοῖς πολεμίοις, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τοὺς ψιλοὺς ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς ἐναντίοις, πειρώμενος πῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς τὴν μάχην. ἀποκρουσαμένων δὲ αὐτοὺς τῶν Θηβαίων ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τόπων ὑπερδεξίων, ἐπήγαγε πᾶσαν ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς τὴν δύναμιν 5συντεταγμένην καταπληκτικῶς. Χαβρίας δ᾿ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος τῶν μισθοφόρων ἀφηγούμενος παρήγγειλε τοῖς στρατιώταις δέχεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους καταπεφρονηκότως ἅμα καὶ τεταγμένως,1 καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας πρὸς τὸ γόνυ κλίναντας ὀρθῷ2 τῷ 6δόρατι μένειν. ὧν ποιησάντων τὸ προσταχθὲν ὥσπερ ἀφ᾿ ἑνὸς παρακελεύσματος, ὁ Ἀγησίλαος θαυμάσας τήν τε εὐταξίαν τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὴν καταφρόνησιν, τὸ μὲν βιάζεσθαι πρὸς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους καὶ συναναγκάζειν τοὺς ἐναντίους ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς γίνεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἐκ χειρὸς κίνδυνον οὐκ ἔκρινε, πεῖραν δὲ λαβὼν ὅτι τολμήσουσιν ἀναγκαζόμενοι διαγωνίζεσθαι περὶ τῆς νίκης, ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ προεκαλεῖτο. οὐ συγκαταβαινόντων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων, τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα τῶν πεζῶν ἀπήγαγε, τοὺς δ᾿ ἱππεῖς καὶ τὰ ψιλικὰ τῶν ταγμάτων

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Thebes with five thousand foot-soldiers and two 377/6 b.c. hundred cavalry. When these forces had assembled, the Thebans occupied an oblong crest about twenty stades from the city and, having transformed the obstacle into a bastion, awaited the attack of the enemy; for the reputation of Agesilaüs so overawed them that they were too timid to await his attack on equal terms in the level country. As for Agesilaüs,1 he led out his army in battle array against the Boeotians, and, when he had drawn near, in the first place launched his light-armed troops against his opponents, thus testing their disposition to fight him. But when the Thebans had easily from their higher position thrust his men back, he led the whole army against them closely arrayed to strike them with terror. Chabrias2 the Athenian, however, leading his mercenary troops, ordered his men to receive the enemy with a show of contempt, maintaining all the while their battle lines, and, leaning their shields against their knees, to wait with upraised spear. Since they did what they were ordered as at a single word of command, Agesilaüs, marvelling at the fine discipline of the enemy and their posture of contempt, judged it inadvisable to force a way against the higher ground and compel his opponents to show their valour in a hand-to-hand contest, and, having learned by trial that they would dare, if forced, to dispute the victory, he challenged them in the plain. But when the Thebans would not come down to meet him, he withdrew the phalanx of infantry, dispatched the cavalry and light-armed ranks

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ἐξαποστείλας ἐπόρθησε τὴν χώραν ἀδεῶς καὶ πολλῶν λαφύρων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο.

33. Οἱ δὲ συνόντες τῷ Ἀγησιλάῳ Σπαρτιᾶται σύμβουλοι καὶ οἱ τὰς ἡγεμονίας ἔχοντες ἐθαύμαζον πῶς δραστικὸς εἶναι δοκῶν Ἀγησίλαος καὶ μείζονα καὶ δυναμικωτέραν ἔχων τὴν δύναμιν οὐ διηγωνίσατο πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. πρὸς οὕς ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀπεκρίθη, νῦν μὲν ἀκινδύνως τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους νενικηκέναι1· πορθουμένῃ γὰρ τῇ χώρᾳ μὴ τετολμηκέναι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς βοηθῆσαι· εἰ δ᾿ αὐτῶν τῶν πολεμίων παρακεχωρηκότων τῆς νίκης ἐβιάσατο τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπομένειν τὸ δεινόν, ἴσως ἂν διὰ τὸ παράλογον τῆς τύχης δύναιντο καὶ πταῖσαι2 2κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. τότε μὲν οὖν διὰ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως3 ταύτης ἔδοξε μετρίως κατεστοχάσθαι τὸ δυνάμενον ἀποβῆναι, ὕστερον δὲ διὰ τῶν ἀποτελεσμάτων ἔδοξεν οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνην ἀπόφασιν, ἀλλὰ θεῖόν4 τινα χρησμὸν εἰρηκέναι. οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως στρατεύσαντες ἐπὶ Θηβαίους καὶ συναναγκάσαντες αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀγωνίσασθαι, μεγάλῃ 3συμφορᾷ περιέπεσον. τὸ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον ἐν Λεύκτροις ἡττηθέντες πολλοὺς ἀπώλεσαν τῶν πολιτῶν, ἐν οἷς καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν Κλεόμβροτος ἔπεσε· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περὶ Μαντίνειαν πολεμήσαντες τοῖς ὅλοις ἐσφάλησαν καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀνελπίστως ἀπέβαλον. ἀγαθὴ γὰρ ἡ τύχη τοὺς μέγα φρονοῦντας παραδόξως σφῆλαι καὶ διδάξαι μηδὲν ἄγαν κατελπίζειν. ὁ γοῦν Ἀγησίλαος ἐχεφρόνως

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to plunder the countryside unhampered, and so took 377/6 b.c. a great quantity of spoil.

33. The Spartan advisers, who accompanied Agesilaüs, and his officers expressed to him their surprise that Agesilaüs, who reputedly was a man of energy and had the larger and more powerful force, should have avoided a decisive contest with the enemy. To them Agesilaüs made answer that, as it was, the Lacedaemonians had won the victory without the risk; for when the countryside was being sacked, the Boeotians had not dared to rally to its defence; but if, when the enemy themselves had conceded the victory, he had forced them to endure the risks of battle, perhaps through the uncertainty of fortune the Lacedaemonians might even have come to grief in the contest. Now at the time he was thought in this reply of his to have estimated the possible outcome fairly well, but later in the light of events he was believed to have uttered no mere human saying but a divinely inspired oracle. For the Lacedaemonians, having taken the field against the Thebans with a mighty army and having compelled them to fight for their freedom, met with a great disaster. They were defeated, namely, at Leuctra first, where they lost many of their citizen soldiers and their king Cleombrotus fell; and later, when they fought at Mantineia, they were utterly routed and hopelessly lost their supremacy.1 For fortune has a knack, when men vaunt themselves too highly, of laying them unexpectedly low and so teaching them to hope for nothing in excess. At any rate

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ἀρκεσθεὶς τῷ πρώτῳ προτερήματι, τὴν δύναμιν ἀσινῆ διεφύλαξεν.

4Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Ἀγησίλαος μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι διὰ τὴν Χαβρίου στρατηγίαν σωθέντες ἐθαύμασαν τἀνδρὸς τὴν ἐν τῷ στρατηγήματι ἀγχίνοιαν. ὁ δὲ Χαβρίας, πολλῶν καὶ καλῶν αὐτῷ πεπραγμένων κατὰ πόλεμον, ἐπὶ τούτῳ μάλιστα ἐσεμνύνετο τῷ στρατηγήματι, καὶ τὰς εἰκόνας τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου δοθείσας αὐτῷ καθίστανεν ἐχούσας 5τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν τὴν Ἀγησιλάου στρατεύσαντες ἐπὶ Θεσπιὰς τὴν μὲν προφυλακήν, οὖσαν ἀνδρῶν διακοσίων, ἀνεῖλον, τῇ δὲ πόλει προσβολὰς συνεχεῖς ποιούμενοι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀξιόλογον πράξαντες, ἀπῆγον τὴν 6δύναμιν εἰς τὰς Θήβας. Φοιβίδας δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος, ἔχων1 ἀξιόλογον φρουρὰν ἐν ταῖς Θεσπιαῖς, ἐκχυθεὶς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ προπετῶς τοῖς ἀποχωροῦσι Θηβαίοις ἐπιθέμενος, τῶν μὲν στρατιωτῶ ἀπέβαλε πλείους τῶν πεντακοσίων, αὐτὸς δὲ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος καὶ πολλοῖς ἐναντίοις τραύμασι περιπεσὼν ἡρωικῶς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον.

34. Οὐ πολλῷ δ᾿ ὕστερον χρόνῳ πάλιν τῶν2 Λακεδαιμονίων τῇ αὐτῇ δυνάμει στρατευσάντων ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας, οἱ μὲν Θηβαῖοι δυσχωρίας τινὰς ἑτέρας καταλαμβανόμενοι διεκώλυον μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους λεηλατεῖν τὴν χώραν, κατὰ στόμα δὲ πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις οὐκ ἐτόλμων

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Agesilaüs, prudently satisfied with his first success, 377/6 b.c. brought his army through unharmed.

After this Agesilaüs returned with his army to the Peloponnese, while the Thebans, saved by the generalship of Chabrias, marvelled at his skill in strategy. Chabrias, though he had performed many gallant deeds in war, was particularly proud of this bit of strategy and he caused the statues which had been granted to him by his people to be erected to display that posture.1 The Thebans after the departure of Agesilaüs, leading an expedition against Thespiae, destroyed the advance outpost2 consisting of two hundred men, but after making repeated assaults on the city itself and accomplishing nothing worthy of mention, led their army back to Thebes. Phoebidas,3 the Lacedaemonian, who had a considerable garrison in Thespiae, sallied forth from the city, fell rashly upon the retreating Thebans, and lost more than five hundred soldiers, while he himself, fighting brilliantly, after receiving many wounds in front, met a hero’s death.

34. Not long after this the Lacedaemonians again4 took the field against Thebes in the same strength as before, but the Thebans, by occupying certain new obstacles, prevented the enemy from devastating the country, though they did not venture to offer battle in the plains face to face against the whole army of

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2παρατάξασθαι. τοῦ δ᾿ Ἀγησιλάου προσμαχομένου1 συγκατέβησαν ἐκ τοῦ κατ᾿ ὀλίγον πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα. γενομένης δὲ μάχης ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἰσχυρᾶς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον προετέρουν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Θηβαίων ἐκχυθέντων πανδημεί, θεωρῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπιρρεόντων ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀνεκαλέσατο τῇ σάλπιγγι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι, δόξαντες τότε πρώτως μὴ καταδεεστέρους ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι Λακεδαιμονίων, τρόπαιόν τε ἔστησαν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν κατεθάρρησαν τῆς τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν δυνάμεως.

3Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὰς πεζὰς2 δυνάμεις τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος· τῶν δὲ ναυτικῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐγένετο μεγάλη ναυμαχία μεταξὺ Νάξου καὶ Πάρου διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. Πόλλις ὁ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ναύαρχος, πυθόμενος σίτου πλῆθος ἐν ὁλκάσι παρακομίζεσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ἐφήδρευε καὶ παρετήρει τὸν κατάπλουν τῆς κομιζομένης ἀγορᾶς, διανοούμενος ἐπιθέσθαι ταῖς ὁλκάσιν. ἃ δὴ πυθόμενος ὁ δῆμος τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐξέπεμψε στόλον παραφυλάξοντα τὴν σιτοπομπίαν ὃς3 καὶ διέπεμψεν εἰς τὸν Πειραιέα τὴν κομιζομένην ἀγοράν. 4μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Χαβρίας μὲν ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ναύαρχος μετὰ τοῦ στόλου παντὸς πλεύσας ἐπὶ τὴν Νάξον συνεστήσατο πολιορκίαν. προσαγαγὼν δὲ τοῖς τείχεσι μηχανὰς καὶ διὰ τούτων σαλεύσας τὰ τείχη, σπουδὴν εἰσεφέρετο βίᾳ κρατῆσαι τῆς πόλεως. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Πόλλις ὁ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ναύαρχος κατέπλευσε βοηθήσων τοῖς Ναξίοις. γενομένης δὲ φιλοτιμίας ἀμφότεροι συγκατέβησαν εἰς ναυμαχίαν καὶ τὰς ναῦς διατάξαντες

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the enemy. As Agesilaüs advanced to the attack, 377/6 b.c. they came out to meet him gradually. A bitter battle raged for a long time, in which at first Agesilaüs’ men prevailed, but later, as the Thebans poured forth in full force from the city, Agesilaüs, beholding the multitude of men streaming down upon him, summoned his soldiers by trumpet to withdraw from the battle. The Thebans, who found themselves now for the first time not inferior to the Lacedaemonians, erected a trophy of victory and thereafter faced the army of the Spartans with confidence.

With regard to the fighting of the land forces, such was the issue. At sea about the same time occurred a great naval battle between Naxos and Paros, of which the cause was as follows. Pollis, the admiral of the Lacedaemonians, learning that a large shipment of grain was on its way to Athens in freighters, lay in wait watching for the grain fleet as it put in to port, intending to attack the freighters. The Athenian people, being informed of this, sent out a convoy to guard the grain in transit, which in fact brought it safe to the Peiraeus. Later Chabrias, the Athenian admiral, with the whole navy sailed to Naxos and laid it under siege. Bringing his siege-engines to bear against the walls, when he had shaken them, he then bent every effort to take the city by storm. While these things were going on, Pollis, the admiral of the Lacedaemonians, sailed into port to assist the Naxians. In eager rivalry both sides engaged in a sea-battle, and forming in line of battle charged

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5ἐπέπλεον ἀλλήλοις. εἶχε δὲ τριήρεις ὁ μὲν Πόλλις ἑξήκοντα καὶ πέντε ὁ δὲ Χαβρίας ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ τρεῖς. ἐπιπλεουσῶν δὲ τῶν νεῶν ἀλλήλαις, Πόλλις μὲν ἡγούμενος τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως πρῶτος ἐνέβαλε ταῖς ἀντιτεταγμέναις τριήρεσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ λαιοῦ κέρατος, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Κήδων ὁ Ἀθηναῖος· ἀγωνισάμενος δὲ λαμπρῶς αὐτόν τε τὸν Κήδωνα διέφθειρε καὶ τὴν ναῦν κατεβύθισεν· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις1 συμβαλὼν καὶ τοῖς ἐμβόλοις ἀναρρήττων, ἃς μὲν διέφθειρεν, ἃς δὲ φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασεν. 6ἃ δὴ κατιδὼν ὁ Χαβρίας, καὶ μέρος τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν νεῶν ἐκπέμψας, ἐβοήθησε τοῖς πιεζομένοις καὶ τὴν ἧτταν τῶν ἰδίων διωρθώσατο, αὐτὸς δ᾿ ἔχων τὸ κράτιστον τοῦ στόλου καὶ γενναίως ἀγωνισάμενος πολλὰς μὲν τριήρεις διέφθειρεν, οὐκ ὀλίγας δ᾿ αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβεν.

35. Γενόμενος δ᾿ ἐπὶ τοῦ προτερήματος, καὶ πάσας τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ναῦς φυγεῖν ἀναγκάσας, ἀπέσχετο παντελῶς τοῦ διωγμοῦ· ἀναμνησθεὶς γὰρ2 τῆς ἐν Ἀργινούσαις ναυμαχίας, ἐν ᾗ τοὺς νικήσαντας στρατηγοὺς ὁ δῆμος ἀντὶ μεγάλης εὐεργεσίας θανάτῳ περιέβαλεν, αἰτιασάμενος ὅτι τοὺς τετελευτηκότας κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν οὐκ ἔθαψαν, εὐλαβήθη μήποτε τῆς περιστάσεως ὁμοίας γενομένης κινδυνεύσῃ παθεῖν παραπλήσια. διόπερ ἀποστὰς τοῦ διώκειν ἀνελέγετο τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς διανηχομένους, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔτι ζῶντας διέσωσε, τοὺς δὲ τετελευτηκότας ἔθαψεν. εἰ δὲ μὴ περὶ ταύτην ἐγένετο τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἅπαντα

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each other.1 Pollis had sixty-five triremes; Chabrias 377/6 b.c. eighty-three. As the ships bore down on one another, Pollis, leading the right wing, was first to attack the opposing triremes on the left wing, which Cedon the Athenian commanded. In a brilliant contest he slew Cedon himself and sank his ship; and, in similar fashion engaging the other ships of Cedon and tearing them open with the beaks of his ships, he destroyed some and others he forced to flee. When Chabrias beheld what was happening, he dispatched a squadron of the ships under his command and brought support to the men who were hard pressed and so retrieved the defeat of his own side. He himself with the strongest part of the fleet in a valiant struggle destroyed many triremes and took a large number captive.

35. Although he had thus won the upper hand and forced all the enemies’ ships to flee, he abstained altogether from pursuit. For he recalled the battle of Arginusae2 and that the assembly of the people, in return for the great service performed by the victorious generals, condemned them to death on the charge that they had failed to bury the men who had perished in the fight; consequently he was afraid, since the circumstances were much the same, that he might run the risk of a similar fate. Accordingly, refraining from pursuit, he gathered up the bodies of his fellow citizens which were afloat, saved those who still lived, and buried the dead. Had he not engaged in this task he would easily have destroyed the whole

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2τὸν τῶν πολεμίων στόλον διέφθειρε. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίαν τῶν μὲν Ἀθηναίων διεφθάρησαν τριήρεις ὀκτωκαίδεκα, τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων διεφθάρησαν μὲν εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρες, αὔτανδροι δ᾿ ἐλήφθησαν ὀκτώ. Χαβρίας μὲν οὖν ἐπιφανῆ ναυμαχίαν1 νικήσας κατέπλευσε μετὰ πολλῶν λαφύρων εἰς τὸν Πειραιέα, καὶ μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἔτυχε παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις. μετὰ γὰρ τὸν Πελοποννησιακὸν πόλεμον Ἀθηναῖοι ταύτην πρώτην ναυμαχίαν ἐνίκησαν· τὴν γὰρ περὶ Κνίδον οὐκ ἰδίᾳ διηγωνίσαντο, τῷ δὲ βασιλικῷ στόλῳ χρησάμενοι προετέρησαν.

3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ Μάρκος Μάνλιος2 ἐπιβαλόμενος τυραννίδι καὶ κρατηθεὶς ἀνῃρέθη.

36. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Χαρισάνδρου3 Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους κατέστησαν τέτταρας, Σερούιον Σουλπίκιον, Λεύκιον Παπίριον, Τίτον Κοΐνκτιον,4 Ἠλεῖοι δ᾿ ἤγαγον ὀλυμπιάδα πρώτην πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Δάμων Θούριος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ Τριβαλλοὶ σιτοδείᾳ πιεζόμενοι πανδημεὶ στρατείαν ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τὴν ὑπερόριον χώραν, καὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκ τῆς ἀλλοτρίας γῆς ἐπορίζοντο. 2ὄντες δὲ πλείους τῶν τρισμυρίων ἐπῆλθον τήν τε ὅμορον Θρᾴκην καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀβδηριτῶν χώραν ἐπόρθησαν ἀδεῶς· πολλῆς δὲ ὠφελείας κυριεύσαντες

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enemy fleet. In the battle eighteen triremes1 on 377/6 b.c. the Athenian side were destroyed; on the Lacedaemonian twenty-four were destroyed and eight captured with their crews. Chabrias then, having won a notable victory, sailed back laden with spoils to the Peiraeus and met with an enthusiastic reception from his fellow citizens. Since the Peloponnesian War this was the first naval battle the Athenians had won. For they had not fought the battle of Cnidus2 with a fleet of their own, but had got the use of the King’s fleet and won a victory.

While these things were going on, in Italy Marcus Manlius,3 who aspired to a tyranny in Rome, was overpowered and slain.

36. When Charisander was archon at Athens, the 376/5 b.c. Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Papirius, Titus Quinctius; and the Eleians celebrated the one hundred first Olympiad, in which Damon of Thurii won the stadium race. During their term of office, in Thrace the Triballians, suffering from a famine, moved in full force into territory beyond their borders and obtained food from the land not their own. More than thirty thousand invaded the adjacent part of Thrace and ravaged with impunity the territory of Abdera; and after seizing a large quantity of booty they were

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καταπεφρονηκότως καὶ ἀτάκτως τὴν ἐπάνοδον ἐποιοῦντο. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀβδηρῖται πανδημεὶ στρατεύσαντες ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς1 σποράδην καὶ ἀτάκτως τὴν ἐπάνοδον ποιουμένους πλείους τῶν δισχιλίων ἀνεῖλον. 3οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι παροξυνθέντες ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι, καὶ βουλόμενοι τοὺς Ἀβδηρίτας τιμωρήσασθαι, πάλιν ἐνέβαλον αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν χώραν. οἱ δὲ προνενικηκότες ἐπαρθέντες τῷ προτερήματι, καὶ τῶν πλησιοχώρων Θρᾳκῶν συμμαχίαν ἀποστειλάντων αὐτοῖς, παρετάξαντο τοῖς βαρβάροις 4γενομένης δὲ μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς, καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν μεταβαλομένων ἄφνω, μονωθέντες οἱ Ἀβδηρῖται καὶ κυκλωθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν βαρβάρων σχεδὸν ἅπαντες οἱ τῆς μάχης μετεσχηκότες κατ εκόπησαν. τηλικαύτῃ δὲ συμφορᾷ τῶν Ἀβδηριτῶν περιπεπτωκότων καὶ μελλόντων πολιορκεῖσθαι, Χαβρίας ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἐπιφανεὶς μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐξείλατο τῶν κινδύνων τοὺς Ἀβδηρίτας, καὶ τοὺς μὲν βαρβάρους ἐξήλασεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας, ἐν δὲ τῇ πόλει φρουρὰν ἀξιόλογον καταλιπὼν αὐτὸς ὑπό 5τινων ἐδολοφονήθη. Τιμόθεος δὲ παραλαβὼν τὴν ναυαρχίαν καὶ πλεύσας εἰς τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν, τάς τ᾿ ἐν αὐτῇ πόλεις2 προσηγάγετο καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν ὁμοίως ἔπεισεν ἀποκλῖναι πρὸς Ἀθηναίους. Ἀλκέταν τε τὸν Μολοττῶν βασιλέα φίλον κατασκευάσας, καὶ καθόλου τὰς χώρας τὰς3 τῶν περὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους πόλεων ἐξιδιοποιησάμενος, ἐνίκησε ναυμαχίᾳ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους περὶ

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making their way homeward in a contemptuous and 376/5 b.c. disorderly fashion when the inhabitants of Abdera took the field in full force against them and slew more than two thousand of them as they straggled in disorder homewards.1 The barbarians then, enraged at what had happened and wishing to avenge themselves upon the Abderites, again invaded their land. The victors in the earlier conflict, being elated by their success and aided by the presence of the Thracians of the neighbouring region, who had sent out a body of men to assist them, drew up their lines opposite to the barbarians. A stubborn battle took place, and since the Thracians suddenly changed sides, the Abderites, now left to fight alone and surrounded by the superior number of the barbarians, were butchered almost to a man, as many as took part in the fight. But just after the Abderites had suffered so great a disaster and were on the point of being besieged, Chabrias the Athenian suddenly appeared with troops and snatched them out of their perils. He drove the barbarians from the country, and, after leaving a considerable garrison in the city, was himself assassinated by certain persons.2 Timotheüs succeeded him as admiral, sailed to Cephallenia, won over the cities there, and likewise persuaded the cities of Acarnania to come over to Athens. After he had made a friend of Alcetas, king of the Molossians, and, speaking generally, had won over the areas belonging to the cities of those regions, he defeated the Lacedaemonians

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6Λευκάδα. ταῦτα δὲ πάντα ταχέως καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἐπετέλεσε, πείθων μὲν διὰ τῆς τοῦ λόγου δυνάμεως, νικῶν δὲ δι᾿ ἀνδρείαν καὶ στρατηγίαν. διόπερ οὐ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι μεγάλης ἐτύγχανεν ἀποδοχῆς. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Τιμόθεον ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

37. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Θηβαῖοι μὲν ἐστράτευσαν ἐπ᾿ Ὀρχομενὸν ἐπιλέκτοις ἀνδράσι πεντακοσίοις καὶ συνετέλεσαν πρᾶξιν ἀξίαν μνήμης· φρουρούντων γὰρ τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν Λακεδαιμονίων πολλοῖς στρατιώταις, καὶ τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἀντιταξαμένων, ἐγενήθη μάχη καρτερά, καθ᾿ ἣν οἱ Θηβαῖοι πρὸς διπλασίους συμβαλόντες ἐνίκησαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. οὐδέποτε γὰρ τοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ τοὺς ἐπάνω χρόνους, ἀλλ᾿ ἀγαπητὸν ὑπάρχειν 2ἐδόκει τὸ πολλοὺς ὀλίγους νικῆσαι. διὸ καὶ φρονήματος ἐπίμπλαντο Θηβαῖοι, καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν εἶχον μᾶλλον περιβόητον, καὶ φανεροὶ καθειστήκεισαν ἀμφισβητήσοντες τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας.

3Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Ἑρμείας ὁ Μεθυμναῖος τὴν τῶν Σικελικῶν σύνταξιν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν κατέστροφε, γράψας βύβλους δέκα, ὡς δέ τινες διαιροῦσι, δώδεκα.

38. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἱπποδάμου Ῥωμαῖοι χιλιάρχους ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων κατέστησαν τέτταρας, Λεύκιον Οὐαλέριον, Λεύκιον1 Μάλλιον,2

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in a naval battle off Leucas.1 All this he 376/5 b.c. accomplished quickly and easily, not only persuading men by his eloquence, but also winning battles by courage and good generalship. Consequently he won great acclaim, not only among his own fellow citizens but also among the Greeks at large. Thus stood the fortunes of Timotheüs.

37. While these things were going on, the Thebans made an expedition against Orchomenus with five hundred picked men and performed a memorable action. For as the Lacedaemonians maintained a garrison of many soldiers in Orchomenus and had drawn up their forces against the Thebans, a stiff battle took place in which the Thebans, attacking twice their number, defeated the Lacedaemonians.2 Never indeed had such a thing occurred before; it had seemed enough if they won with many against few. The result was that the Thebans swelled with pride, became more and more renowned for their valour, and had manifestly put themselves in a position to compete for the supremacy of Greece.

Of the historians, Hermeias of Methymnê3 brought to a close with this year his narrative of Sicilian affairs, having composed ten books, or, as some divide the work, twelve.

38. When Hippodamas was archon at Athens, the 375/4 b.c. Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Valerius, Lucius Manlius, Servius

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Σερούιον1 Σουλπίκιον, Λοκρήτιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς μέλλων πολεμεῖν πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους καὶ σπεύδων ξενικὴν δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον συστήσασθαι, διέγνω συλλύσασθαι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολέμους· οὕτως γὰρ μάλιστ᾿ ἤλπιζε τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀπολελυμένους τῶν οἰκείων πολέμων ἑτοιμοτέρους ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὰς ξενολογίας. διόπερ πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοὺς παρακαλέσοντας τὰς πόλεις 2κοινὴν εἰρήνην συνθέσθαι. τῶν δ᾿ Ἑλλήνων ἀσμένως προσδεξαμένων τοὺς λόγους διὰ τὸ κάμνειν τῇ συνεχείᾳ τῶν πολέμων, συνέθεντο πάντες τὴν εἰρήνην, ὥστε πάσας τὰς πόλεις αὐτονόμους καὶ ἀφρουρήτους εἶναι. καὶ κατέστησαν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐξαγωγεῖς, οἳ κατὰ πόλιν ἑκάστην ἐπελθόντες ἐξήγαγον 3ἁπάσας τὰς φρουράς. μόνων δὲ Θηβαίων οὐ προσδεξαμένων κατὰ πόλιν γίνεσθαι τὰς σπονδάς, ἀλλὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἅπασαν ὑπὸ τὴν τῶν Θηβαίων συντέλειαν ταττόντων, καὶ Ἀθηναίων μὲν ἀντειπόντων φιλοτιμότατα, Καλλιστράτου τοῦ2 δημαγωγοῦ τὸν λόγον διαθεμένου, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων Ἐπαμεινώνδου διαθεμένου λόγον θαυμαστῶς ἐν τῷ κοινῷ συνεδρίῳ, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι πᾶσι συμφώνως αἱ σπονδαὶ συνετελέσθησαν, μόνοι δὲ Θηβαῖοι κριθέντες ἔκσπονδοι, καὶ

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Sulpicius, and Lucretius. During their term of office 375/4 b.c. Artaxerxes, King of the Persians, intending to make war on the Egyptians and being busily engaged in organizing a considerable mercenary army, decided to effect a settlement of the wars going on in Greece. For by this means he particularly hoped that the Greeks, once released from their domestic wars, would be more ready to accept mercenary service. Accordingly he sent ambassadors to Greece to urge the cities to enter into a general peace by agreement. The Greeks welcomed his proposal because they wearied of the uninterrupted series of wars, and all agreed to make peace on the condition that all the cities should be independent and free from foreign garrisons. Accordingly the Greeks appointed agents who, going from city to city, proceeded to evacuate all the garrisons. But the Thebans alone would not agree that the ratification of the peace should be made city by city,1 but insisted that all Boeotia should be listed as subject to the confederacy of the Thebans. When the Athenians opposed this in the most contentious manner, Callistratus, their popular leader, reciting their reasons, while, on behalf of the Thebans, Epameinondas delivered the address before the general assembly with marvellous effect, the result was that though the terms of the peace were harmoniously concluded for all the other Greek states, the Thebans alone were refused participation in

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τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρετῆς ἐμποιοῦντος φρόνημα τοῖς πολίταις, ἐθάρρησαν τοῖς 4ἁπάντων δόγμασιν ἀντιβαίνειν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν γὰρ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι, διὰ πάντων1 περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας διαφιλοτιμούμενοι, παρεχώρουν ἀλλήλοις, οἱ μὲν τῆς2 κατὰ γῆν, οἱ δὲ τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχῆς ἄξιοι κρινόμενοι. διόπερ τὴν ἐκ τρίτου προσώπου ἀναφερομένην ἡγεμονίαν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον, καὶ τὰς κατὰ Βοιωτίαν πόλεις ἀπέσπων τῆς τῶν Θηβαίων συντελείας.

39. Οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι, τῇ τε ῥώμῃ τῶν σωμάτων καὶ ταῖς ἀλκαῖς διαφέροντες καὶ πολλαῖς μάχαις προνενικηκότες τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, μετέωροι τοῖς φρονήμασιν ὑπῆρχον καὶ τῆς κατὰ γῆν ἡγεμονίας ἠμφισβήτουν. οὐ διεψεύσθησαν δὲ τῆς ἐλπίδος διὰ τὰς εἰρημένας αἰτίας καὶ διὰ τὸ πλείονας ἔχειν ἀγαθοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ στρατηγοὺς κατὰ 2τοὺς ὑποκειμένους χρόνους. ἐπιφανέστατοι δ᾿ ἦσαν Πελοπίδας καὶ Γοργίδας3 καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδας· οὗτος

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them1; and, through the influence of Epameinondas, 375/4 b.c. who by his own personal merits inspired his fellow citizens with patriotic spirit, they were emboldened to make a stand against the decision of all the rest. For the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, who had constantly been rivals for the hegemony, now yielded one to the other, the one being judged worthy to rule on land, the other on the sea. They were consequently annoyed by the claims to leadership advanced by a third contender and sought to sever the Boeotian cities from the Theban confederation.2

39. The Thebans, who excelled in bodily strength and prowess and had already conquered the Lacedaemonians in numerous battles, were elated in spirit and eager to dispute the supremacy on land. Nor were they cheated of their hope, both for the aforesaid reasons and because they had more good commanders and generals during the period under consideration. Most famous were Pelopidas, Gorgidas,1

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γὰρ οὐ μόνον τῶν ὁμοεθνούντων ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντων Ἑλλήνων πολὺ προέσχεν ἀνδρείᾳ τε καὶ στρατηγικῇ συνέσει. μετέσχε γὰρ ἐπὶ πολὺ πάσης παιδείας, καὶ μάλιστα τῆς Πυθαγορικῆς φιλοσοφίας· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις φυσικοῖς προτερήμασι κεχορηγημένος, εἰκότως καὶ πράξεις ἐπιφανεστάτας συνετέλεσεν. διὸ καὶ συναναγκασθεὶς ὀλίγοις πολιτικοῖς στρατιώταις πρὸς πάσας τὰς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων δυνάμεις ἀγωνίσασθαι, τοσοῦτον ὑπερέσχε τῶν ἀνικήτων στρατιωτῶν, ὥστε τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν1 Κλεόμβροτον ἀνελεῖν τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ἀντιταχθέντων ἄρδην σχεδὸν κατακόψαι. 3καὶ τὰ τηλικαῦτα παραδόξως διεπράξατο διὰ τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν καὶ τὴν ἐκ παιδείας αὐτῷ περιγεγενημένην ἀρετήν.

Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἐκτεθεῖσι2 σαφέστερον δηλώσομεν, νῦν δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἱστορίας τρεψόμεθα.

40. Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν συγχωρηθεῖσαν τοῖς δήμοις αὐτονομίαν αἱ πόλεις ἐνέπιπτον εἰς ταραχὰς μεγάλας καὶ στάσεις, μάλιστα δὲ αἱ κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον. ὀλιγαρχικοῖς γὰρ πολιτεύμασι κεχρημέναι καὶ ταῖς τῆς δημοκρατίας ἐξουσίαις ἀπειραγάθως χρώμεναι, πολλοὺς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐφυγάδευον καὶ κρίσεις ἐπιβάλλουσαι συκοφαντώδεις

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and Epameinondas. Epameinondas,2 indeed, far 375/4 b.c. excelled not merely those of his own race but even all Greeks in valour and shrewdness in the art of war. He had a broad general education, being particularly interested in the philosophy of Pythagoras.3 Besides this, being well endowed with physical advantages, it is natural that he contributed very distinguished achievements. Hence even when compelled with a very few citizen soldiers to fight against all the armies of the Lacedaemonians and their allies, he was so far superior to these heretofore invincible warriors that he slew the Spartan king Cleombrotus, and almost completely annihilated the multitude of his opponents.4 Such were the remarkable deeds which he unexpectedly performed because of his astuteness and the moral excellence he had derived from his education.

However, we shall somewhat later5 explain these matters more fully in a special chapter; at present we shall turn to the thread of our narrative.

40. After autonomy had been conceded to the various peoples,6 the cities fell into great disturbances and internal strife, particularly in the Peloponnese. For having been used to oligarchic institutions and now taking foolish advantage of the liberties which democracy allows itself, they exiled many of their good7 citizens, and, trumping up charges against them,

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κατεδίκαζον. διόπερ εἰς στάσεις ἐμπίπτουσαι φυγὰς καὶ δημεύσεις οὐσιῶν ἐποιοῦντο, μάλιστα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγεμονίας 2προεστηκότας τῶν πατρίδων. ἐν γὰρ τοῖς τότε χρόνοις ἐπιτακτικῶς ἐκείνων τοῖς πολίταις προσενηνεγμένων, ὕστερον ὁ δημοτικὸς ὄχλος ἀπολαβὼν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐμνησικάκει. πρῶτον δὲ τῶν Φιαλέων οἱ φυγάδες συστραφέντες κατελάβοντο τὴν καλουμένην Ἡραίαν, χωρίον ὀχυρόν. ἐκ ταύτης δ᾿ ὁρμηθέντες παρεισέπεσον εἰς τὴν Φιάλειαν, καὶ Διονυσίων κατὰ τύχην ὄντων ἐπιπεσόντες ἀπροσδοκήτως τοῖς ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καθημένοις, καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποσφάξαντες, οὐκ ὀλίγους δὲ καὶ συναπονοήσασθαι πείσαντες, ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην. 3οἱ δὲ τῆς Κορίνθου φυγάδες, συχνοὶ διατρίβοντες παρὰ τοῖς Ἀργείοις, ἐπεχείρησαν κατιέναι· παραδεχθέντες δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑπό τινων οἰκείων καὶ φίλων, διαβληθέντες ἐγένοντο1 περικατάληπτοι· μέλλοντες δὲ συναρπάζεσθαι, καὶ φοβούμενοι τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἁλώσεως αἰκίαν, ἀλλήλους ἀπέκτειναν. οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι πολλοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν αἰτιασάμενοι μετεσχηκέναι τοῖς φυγάσι τῆς ἐπιθέσεως, οὓς μὲν 4ἀπέκτειναν, οὓς δ᾿ ἐφυγάδευσαν. ἐν δὲ τῇ πόλει τῶν Μεγαρέων ἐπιχειρήσαντές τινες μεταστῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ κρατηθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, πολλοὶ μὲν ἀνῃρέθησαν, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾿ ἐξέπεσον. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Σικυωνίοις τινὲς νεωτερίζειν

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condemned them. Thus falling into internal strife 375/4 b.c. they had recourse to exilings and confiscations of property, particularly against those who during the Spartan hegemony had been leaders of their native cities. Indeed in those times the oligarchs had exercised authoritative control over their fellow citizens, and later as the democratic mob recovered its freedom it harboured a grudge. First, however, the exiles of Phialeia,1 rallying their forces, recovered Heraea,2 as it is called, a stronghold. And setting out from there, they swooped down upon Phialeia,3 and at a time when, as it happened, the festival of Dionysus was being celebrated, they fell unexpectedly upon the spectators in the theatre, killed many, persuaded not a few to participate in their folly, and retreated to Sparta. And the exiles from Corinth, who, many in number, were living among the Argives, attempted to return, but though admitted into the city by some of their relatives and friends, they were denounced and surrounded, and, as they were about to be apprehended, fearful of the maltreatment their capture would entail, they slew one another. The Corinthians, having charged many of their citizens with assisting the exiles in the attack, put some to death and exiled others. Again, in the city of the Megarians, when some persons endeavoured to overturn the government and were overpowered by the democracy, many were slain and not a few driven into exile. Likewise among the Sicyonians as well

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ἐπιβαλόμενοι καὶ σφαλέντες1 ἀνῃρέθησαν. 5παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Φλιασίοις πολλῶν φυγαδευομένων καὶ καταλαβομένων ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας φρούριον ὀχυρὸν καὶ πλῆθος μισθοφόρων ἀθροισάντων, ἐγένετο μάχη πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ νικησάντων τῶν φυγάδων ἀνῃρέθησαν τῶν Φλιασίων ὑπὲρ τοὺς τριακοσίους. ὕστερον δὲ προδόντων τῶν φυλάκων τοὺς φυγάδας, κρατήσαντες οἱ Φλιάσιοι τῶν φυγάδων ἀνεῖλον πλείους τῶν ἑξακοσίων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐκβαλόντες ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἠνάγκασαν φυγεῖν εἰς Ἄργος. αἱ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον πόλεις ἐν τοιαύταις συμφοραῖς ἦσαν.

41. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Σωκρατίδου Ῥωμαῖοι ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους κατέστησαν τέτταρας, Κόιντον Σερουίλιον,2 Σερούιον3 Κορνήλιον, ἔτι δὲ Σπόριον Παπίριον.4 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾿ Αἰγυπτίους ἀφεστηκότας ἀπὸ Περσῶν. ἡγοῦντο δὲ τῶν δυνάμεων Φαρνάβαζος μὲν τῶν βαρβαρικῶν, Ἰφικράτης δ᾿ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος τῶν μισθοφόρων, ὄντων δισμυρίων. ὁ δ᾿ ἀνὴρ οὗτος μετάπεμπτος ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐτάχθη διὰ τὴν ἐν 2τῷ στρατηγεῖν ἀρετήν. ἔτη δὲ πλείω τοῦ Φαρναβάζου κατανηλωκότος περὶ τὰς παρασκευάς, ὁ μὲν Ἰφικράτης ὁρῶν αὐτὸν ἐν μὲν τῷ λέγειν ὄντα δεινόν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πραττομένοις νωχελῆ, παρρησίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχρήσατο, φήσας θαυμάζειν πῶς ἐν

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a number who tried to effect a revolution but failed 375/4 b.c. were killed. Among the Phliasians, when many who were in exile had seized a stronghold in the country and gathered a considerable number of mercenaries, a battle was fought against the city party, and, when the exiles won the victory, over three hundred of the Phliasians were slain. Later, as the sentinels betrayed the exiles, the Phliasians got the upper hand and executed more than six hundred exiles, while they drove the rest out of the country and compelled them to take refuge in Argos. Such were the disasters that afflicted the Peloponnesian cities.

41. When Socratides was archon at Athens, the 374/3 b.c. Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Quintus Servilius, Servius Cornelius, and Spurius Papirius. During their term of office King Artaxerxes sent an expedition against the Egyptians,1 who had revolted from Persia. The leaders of the army were Pharnabazus, commanding the barbarian contingent, and Iphicrates2 the Athenian, commanding the mercenaries, who numbered twenty thousand. Iphicrates, who had been summoned for the campaign by the King, was given the assignment because of his strategic skill. After Pharnabazus had wasted several years making his preparations, Iphicrates, perceiving that though in talk he was clever, he was sluggish in action, frankly told him that he marvelled that

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μὲν τοῖς λόγοις ἐστὶν ὀξύς, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις βραδύς. ὁ δὲ Φαρνάβαζος ἀπεκρίθη, διότι τῶν μὲν λόγων 3αὐτὸς κύριός ἐστι, τῶν δ᾿ ἔργων ὁ βασιλεύς. τῆς δὲ τῶν Περσῶν δυνάμεως ἀθροισθείσης εἰς πόλιν Ἄκην, ἠριθμήθησαν τῶν μὲν βαρβάρων εἴκοσι μυριάδες, ὧν ἦρχε Φαρνάβαζος1· τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων Ἑλλήνων Ἰφικράτης ἡγεῖτο δισμυρίων. καὶ ναῦς ἠριθμήθησαν τριήρεις μὲν τριακόσιαι, τριακόντοροι δὲ διακόσιαι· τῶν δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην 4παρασκευὴν κομιζουσῶν πολὺς ἦν ἀριθμός. ἀρχομένου δὲ τοῦ θέρους ἀνέζευξαν οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγοὶ μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ τοῦ στόλου συμπαραπλέοντος2 προῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. ὡς δ᾿ ἧκον πλησίον τοῦ Νείλου, κατέλαβον τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους φανερῶς παρεσκευασμένους τὰ 5πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. ὁ γὰρ Φαρνάβαζος βραδεῖαν τὴν στρατείαν ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐδεδώκει τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς τὴν παρασκευήν. ὡς ἐπίπαν γὰρ οἱ τῶν Περσῶν στρατηγοί, τῶν ὅλων οὐκ ὄντες αὐτοκράτορες, περὶ πάντων ἀναφέρουσι τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ προσαναμένουσι τὰς περὶ ἑκάστων3 ἀποκρίσεις.

42. Ὁ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς Νεκτάνεβις ἐπυνθάνετο μὲν τὸ μέγεθος τῶν Περσικῶν δυνάμεων, ἐθάρρει δὲ μάλιστα μὲν τῇ τῆς χώρας ὀχυρότητι, δυσπροσίτου παντελῶς οὔσης τῆς Αἰγύπτου, ἔπειτα καὶ τῷ πεφράχθαι καλῶς πάσας εἰσβολὰς 2τάς τε ἀπὸ γῆς καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ θαλάττης. ἑπτὰ στόμασι γὰρ τοῦ4 Νείλου τὰς εἰς τὸ Αἰγύπτιον

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anyone so quick in speech could be so dilatory in 374/3 b.c. action. Pharnabazus replied that it was because he was master of his words but the King was master of his actions. When the Persian army had assembled at the city of Acê1 it numbered two hundred thousand barbarians under the command of Pharnabazus and twenty thousand2 Greek mercenaries led by Iphicrates. The triremes numbered three hundred and the thirty-oared vessels two hundred. The number of those conveying food and other supplies was great. At the beginning of the summer3 the King’s generals broke camp with the entire army, and accompanied by the fleet sailing along the coast proceeded to Egypt. When they came near the Nile they found that the Egyptians had manifestly completed their preparations for the war. For Pharnabazus marched slowly and had given plenty of time for the enemy to prepare. Indeed it is the usual custom for the Persian commanders, not being independent in the general conduct of war, to refer all matters to the King and await his replies concerning every detail.

42. The Egyptian king Nectanebôs learned the size of the Persian armies, but was emboldened, chiefly by the strength of the country, for Egypt is extremely difficult of approach, and secondly by the fact that all points of invasion from land or sea had been carefully blocked. For the Nile empties into the Egyptian

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πέλαγος ἐκβολὰς ποιουμένου, καθ᾿ ἕκαστον τῶν στομάτων πόλις κατεσκεύαστο πύργους μεγάλους ἔχουσα καθ᾿ ἑκάτερον τοῦ ῥείθρου1 καὶ ξυλίνην γέφυραν τοῦ εἴσπλου κυριεύουσαν. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Πηλουσιακὸν στόμα κατεσκεύασε2 διὰ τὸ κεῖσθαι μὲν αὐτὸ πρῶτον πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ Συρίας πορευομένους καὶ δοκεῖν διὰ τούτου μάλιστ᾿ ἂν3 ποιεῖσθαι 3τὴν ἔφοδον τοὺς πολεμίους. τοῦτο γὰρ ἀπετάφρευσε, καὶ διετείχισε τοὺς εἴσπλους κατὰ τοὺς εὐκαιροτάτους τόπους, καὶ τῶν προσόδων τὰς μὲν κατὰ γῆν πορευτὰς4 ἐποίησε λιμνάζειν, τὰς δὲ πλωτὰς χώμασιν ἐνέφραττεν. διόπερ οὐκ ἦν ῥᾳδίως οὔτε ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰσπλέειν οὔτε τοῖς ἱππεῦσι 4προσπελάσαι οὔτε τοῖς πεζοῖς προσελθεῖν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φαρνάβαζον στρατηγοί, καταλαβόντες τὸ Πηλουσιακὸν στόμα θαυμαστῶς ὠχυρωμένον καὶ στρατιωτῶν πλήθει φυλαττόμενον, τὸ μὲν διὰ τούτου βιάζεσθαι παντελῶς ἀπεδοκίμασαν δι᾿ ἑτέρου δὲ στόματος ἔγνωσαν ποιεῖσθαι τὸν εἴσπλουν. διὸ πλεύσαντες πελάγιοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ καθορᾶσθαι τὰς ναῦς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, κατέπλευσαν πρὸς τὸ5 στόμα τὸ καλούμενον Μενδήσιον, ἔχον ἠιόνα παρήκουσαν ἐφ᾿ ἱκανὸν τόπον. εἰς ταύτην ἀποβάντες μετὰ στρατιωτῶν τρισχιλίων ὅ τε Φαρνάβαζος καὶ ὁ Ἰφικράτης προῆγον ἐπὶ τὸ τετειχισμένον ἐπὶ τοῦ 5στόματος πολισμάτιον. ἐκβοηθησάντων δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἱππεῦσί τε καὶ πεζοῖς τρισχιλίοις, γενομένης τε μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ τοῖς Πέρσαις πολλῶν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν προσγεγενημένων, κυκλωθέντες οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι, πολλοὶ μὲν ἀπέθανον, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δ᾿

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Sea by seven mouths,1 and at each mouth a city had 374/3 b.c. been established along with great towers on each bank of the stream and a wooden bridge commanding its entrance. He especially fortified the Pelusiac mouth because it is the first to be encountered by those approaching from Syria and seemed to be the most likely route of the enemy approach. He dug channels connecting with this, fortified the entrances for ships at the most suitable points, and inundated the approaches by land while blocking the sea approaches by embankments. Accordingly it was not easy either for the ships to sail in, or for the cavalry to draw near, or for the infantry to approach. Pharna-bazus’ staff, finding the Pelusiac mouth so remarkably fortified and guarded by a multitude of soldiers, rejected utterly the plan of forcing a way through it and decided to make the invasion by ship through another mouth. Accordingly they voyaged on the open sea so that the ships should not be sighted by the enemy, and sailed in by the mouth known as Mendesian, which had a beach stretching over a considerable space. Landing here with three thousand men, Pharnabazus and Iphicrates pushed forward to the walled stronghold at the mouth. The Egyptians rushed out with three thousand horse and infantry, and a sharp battle ensued, but many men from their ships came to increase the number of the Persians, until finally the Egyptians were surrounded, many slain, and not a few captured alive; and the rest

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ἐζωγρήθησαν· οἱ δὲ περιλειφθέντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνεδιώχθησαν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰφικράτην συνεισπεσόντες τοῖς φρουροῦσιν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν, καὶ κρατήσαντες τοῦ φρουρίου, τοῦτο μὲν κατέσκαψαν, τοὺς δ᾿ ἐνοικοῦντας ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.

43. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐνέπεσε στάσις, δι᾿ ἣν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐσφάλησαν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἰφικράτης παρὰ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων πυθόμενος ἔρημον εἶναι τὴν Μέμφιν, ἐπικαιροτάτην οὖσαν πόλιν τῶν κατ᾿ Αἴγυπτον, συνεβούλευεν ἐξαυτῆς ἀναπλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν Μέμφιν πρὸ τοῦ παραγενέσθαι τὰς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων δυνάμεις· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φαρνάβαζον ᾦντο δεῖν ἀναμένειν τὴν ὅλην δύναμιν τῶν Περσῶν· ἀσφαλεστέραν γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὴν στρατείαν 2ἐπὶ τὴν Μέμφιν. τοῦ δ᾿ Ἰφικράτους ἀξιοῦντος αὑτῷ1 δοθῆναι τοὺς παρόντας μισθοφόρους, καὶ μετ᾿ ἐκείνων ἐπαγγελλομένου κρατήσειν τῆς πόλεως, τό τε θράσος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὑπώπτευσε, μὴ κατ᾿ ἰδίαν κατάσχῃ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. διόπερ οὐ συγχωροῦντος τοῦ Φαρναβάζου, ὁ Ἰφικράτης διεμαρτύρατο, λέγων ὡς ἐὰν παρῶσι τὴν ὀξύτητα τῶν καιρῶν, ἄπρακτον ποιήσουσι τὴν ὅλην2 στρατιάν. στρατηγοὶ μὲν οὖν τινες3 ἐφθόνουν 3αὐτῷ καὶ διαβολὰς ἀδίκους προσῆπτον. οἱ δ᾿ Αἰγύπτιοι πολλὴν ἀναστροφὴν λαβόντες, εἰς μὲν τὴν Μέμφιν ἐξέπεμψαν τὴν ἱκανὴν φυλακήν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πεπορθημένον πολισμάτιον πάσαις ταῖς δυνάμεσι παραγενόμενοι, καὶ πολλὰ πλεονεκτοῦντες διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων4 ὀχυρότητα, συμπλοκὰς ἐποιοῦντο

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were driven in confusion into the city. Iphicrates’ 374/3 b.c. men dashed in with the defenders inside the walls, took possession of the fortress, razed it, and enslaved the inhabitants.

43. After this, discord set in amongst the commanders, causing the failure of the enterprise. For Iphicrates, learning from the captives that Memphis,1 the most strategically situated of the Egyptian cities, was undefended, advised sailing immediately up to Memphis before the Egyptian forces arrived there, but Pharnabazus thought they should await the entire Persian force; for in this way the campaign against Memphis would be less dangerous. When Iphicrates demanded that he be given the mercenaries that were on hand and promised if he had them to capture the city, Pharnabazus became suspicious of his boldness and his courage for fear lest he take possession of Egypt for himself. Accordingly when Pharnabazus would not yield, Iphicrates protested that if they let slip the exact moment of opportunity, they would make the whole campaign a failure. Some generals indeed bore a grudge against him and were attempting to fasten unfair charges upon him. Meanwhile the Egyptians, having had plenty of time to recuperate, first sent an adequate garrison into Memphis, and then, proceeding with all their forces against the ravaged stronghold at the Mendesian mouth of the Nile and being now at a great advantage owing to the strength of their position, fought constant engagements with the

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τοῖς πολεμίοις συνεχεῖς. αἰεὶ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐπισχύοντες πολλοὺς ἀνῄρουν τῶν Περσῶν καὶ κατεθάρρουν 4τῶν πολεμίων. χρονιζούσης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸ πολισμάτιον τοῦτο στρατείας, καὶ τῶν ἐτησίων ἤδη γενομένων, ὁ Νεῖλος πληρούμενος καὶ πάντα τόπον ἐπέχων τῷ πλήθει τοῦ ῥεύματος αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ὠχύρου τὴν Αἴγυπτον. οἱ δὲ τῶν Περσῶν ἡγεμόνες, ἀντιπραττούσης αὐτοῖς αἰεὶ1 τῆς περιστάσεως, ἔγνωσαν2 ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν ποιήσασθαι. 5διόπερ ἐπανιόντων αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, καὶ γενομένης διαφορᾶς τῷ Φαρναβάζῳ πρὸς τὸν Ἰφικράτην, ὑποπτεύσας ὁ Ἰφικράτης μὴ συλληφθῇ καὶ τιμωρίας τύχῃ, καθάπερ Κόνων ἔπαθεν ὁ Ἀθηναῖος, ἔκρινε λάθρᾳ φεύγειν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου· διὸ καὶ παρασκευασάμενος πλοῖον ἔλαθε νυκτὸς ἀπαλλαγεὶς καὶ καταπλεύσας εἰς τὰς 6Ἀθήνας. ὁ δὲ Φαρνάβαζος πρέσβεις ἐκπέμψας κατηγόρησε τοῦ Ἰφικράτους ὡς αἰτίου γεγονότος τοῦ μὴ ληφθῆναι τὴν Αἴγυπτον. οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς μὲν Πέρσαις ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκαν ὅτι ἐὰν εὕρωσιν αὐτὸν ἠδικηκότα, κολάσουσι κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ μετ᾿ ὀλίγον χρόνον στρατηγὸν κατέστησαν τὸν3 Ἰφικράτην ἐπὶ τὸ ναυτικόν.

44. Οὐκ ἀνοίκειον δ᾿ ἐστὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς Ἰφικράτους ἀρετῆς ἱστορούμενα παραθεῖναι. οὗτος γὰρ παραδέδοται στρατηγικήν τε ἀγχίνοιαν ἐσχηκέναι καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἐπίνοιαν ἀγαθὴν φύσει κεχρῆσθαι διαφόρῳ. προσλαβόμενον οὖν αὐτὸν τὴν ἐν τῷ

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enemy. With ever-increasing strength they slew 374/3 b.c. many Persians and gained confidence against them. As the campaign about this stronghold dragged on, and the Etesian winds had already set in, the Nile, which was filling up and flooding1 the whole region with the abundance of its waters, made Egypt daily more secure. The Persian commanders, as this state of affairs constantly operated against them, decided to withdraw from Egypt. Consequently, on their way back to Asia, when a disagreement arose between him and Pharnabazus, Iphicrates, suspecting that he might be arrested and punished as Conon2 the Athenian had been, decided to flee secretly from the camp. Accordingly, having secured a ship he covertly got away at night and reached port at Athens. Pharnabazus dispatched ambassadors to Athens and accused Iphicrates of being responsible for the failure to capture Egypt. The Athenians, however, replied to the Persians that if they detected him in wrongdoing they would punish him as he deserved, and shortly afterward appointed Iphicrates general in command of their fleet.

44. It will not be out of place to set forth what I have learned about the remarkable character of Iphicrates. For he is reported to have possessed shrewdness in command and to have enjoyed an exceptional natural genius for every kind of useful invention. Hence we are told, after he had acquired his long

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Περσικῷ πολέμῳ πολυχρόνιον ἐμπειρίαν τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ἔργων, ἐπινοήσασθαι πολλὰ τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον χρησίμων, καὶ μάλιστα1 περὶ τὸν καθοπλισμὸν 2φιλοτιμηθῆναι. τῶν γὰρ Ἑλλήνων μεγάλαις ἀσπίσι χρωμένων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δυσκινήτων ὄντων, συνεῖλε τὰς ἀσπίδας καὶ κατεσκεύασε πέλτας συμμέτρους, ἀμφοτέρων2 εὖ στοχασάμενος, τοῦ τε σκέπειν ἱκανῶς τὰ σώματα καὶ τοῦ δύνασθαι τοὺς χρωμένους ταῖς πέλταις διὰ τὴν κουφότητα 3παντελῶς εὐκινήτους ὑπάρχειν. διὰ δὲ τῆς πείρας τῆς εὐχρηστίας ἀποδοχῆς τυγχανούσης, οἱ μὲν πρότερον ἀπὸ τῶν ἀσπίδων ὁπλῖται καλούμενοι τότε δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς πέλτης πελτασταὶ μετωνομάσθησαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ δόρατος καὶ τοῦ ξίφους εἰς τοὐναντίον τὴν μετάθεσιν ἐποιήσατο· ηὔξησε γὰρ τὰ μὲν δόρατα ἡμιολίῳ μεγέθει, τὰ δὲ ξίφη σχεδὸν διπλάσια κατεσκεύασεν. τὴν δὲ δοκιμασίαν ἡ χρεία διαβεβαιοῦσα τὴν ἐπίνοιαν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῷ τῆς 4πείρας ἐπιτεύγματι δόξης ἠξίωσεν. τάς τε ὑποδέσεις τοῖς στρατιώταις εὐλύτους καὶ κούφας ἐποίησε, τὰς μέχρι τοῦ νῦν ἰφικρατίδας ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνου καλουμένας. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα τῶν χρησίμων εἰς τὰς στρατείας κατέδειξε, περὶ ὧν μακρὸν ἂν εἴη γράφειν. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον στρατεία τῶν Περσῶν, μεγάλης τυχοῦσα παρασκευῆς, παρ᾿ ἐλπίδας ἄπρακτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος.

45. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ταραττομένων τῶν πόλεων διὰ τὴν ἀσυνήθη πολιτείαν, καὶ πολλῶν

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experience of military operations in the Persian War, 374/3 b.c. he devised many improvements in the tools of war, devoting himself especially to the matter of arms. For instance, the Greeks were using shields which were large and consequently difficult to handle; these he discarded and made small oval ones of moderate size, thus successfully achieving both objects, to furnish the body with adequate cover and to enable the user of the small shield, on account of its lightness, to be completely free in his movements. After a trial of the new shield its easy manipulation secured its adoption, and the infantry who had formerly been called “hoplites” because of their heavy shield, then had their name changed to “peltasts” from the light pelta they carried.1 As regards spear and sword, he made changes in the contrary direction: namely, he increased the length of the spears by half, and made the swords almost twice as long. The actual use of these arms confirmed the initial test and from the success of the experiment won great fame for the inventive genius of the general. He made soldiers’ boots that were easy to untie and light and they continue to this day to be called “iphicratids” after him. He also introduced many other useful improvements into warfare, but it would be tedious to write about them. So the Persian expedition against Egypt, for all its huge preparations, disappointed expectations and proved a failure in the end.

45. Throughout Greece now that its several states were in confusion because of unwonted forms of

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ἐπανισταμένων διὰ τὴν κοινὴν ἀναρχίαν, τοῖς μὲν τὰς ὀλιγαρχίας κατασκευάζουσιν ἐβοήθουν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τοῖς δὲ τῆς δημοκρατίας ἀντεχομένοις 2συνεμάχουν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. ἀμφότεραι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις αὗται χρόνον ὀλίγον διετήρησαν τὰς σπονδάς, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συμπράττουσαι ταῖς οἰκείαις πόλεσιν ἐπολέμουν, οὐδὲν ἔτι φροντίζοντες τῆς κοινῆς συντεθείσης εἰρήνης. διόπερ ἐν Ζακύνθῳ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιστασίας κυρίοις γεγονόσι τοῦ πολιτεύματος ὁ δῆμος χαλεπῶς ἔχων καὶ μνησικακῶν ἐφυγάδευσε πάντας.1 . . . οὗτοι δὲ πρὸς Τιμόθεον τὸν Ἀθηναίων ἡγούμενον τοῦ ναυτικοῦ καταφυγόντες συνέπλεον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεμάχουν. 3τοῦτον οὖν παραστησάμενοι συνεργόν, καὶ διαβιβασθέντες εἰς τὴν νῆσον ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ, κατελάβοντο χωρίον ὀχυρὸν παρὰ θάλατταν ὃ προσηγόρευον Ἀρκαδίαν. ἐκ τούτου δ᾿ ὁρμώμενοι καὶ βοηθὸν ἔχοντες τὸν Τιμόθεον, ἐκακοποίουν τοὺς ἐν τῇ 4πόλει. τῶν δὲ Ζακυνθίων τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀξιούντων βοηθῆσαι, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀποστείλαντες πρέσβεις κατηγόρουν τοῦ Τιμοθέου· ὡς δ᾿ ἐθεώρουν τὸν δῆμον ἀποκλίνοντα πρὸς τοὺς φυγάδας, συνεστήσαντο ναυτικόν, καὶ πληρώσαντες

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government, and many uprisings were occurring in 374/3 b.c. the midst of the general anarchy, the Lacedaemonians gave assistance to such as were trying to establish oligarchies, while the Athenians supported those groups which clung to democracy. For both these states did maintain the truce1 for a short time, but then, acting in co-operation with their affiliated cities renewed the war, no longer respecting the general peace that had been agreed upon. So it came about that in Zacynthos the popular party, being angry and resentful toward those who had held control of the government during the domination of the Lacedaemonians, drove them all into exile. . . .2 These Zacynthians, having taken refuge with Timotheüs the Athenian in charge of the fleet, joined his naval force and fought with him. Accordingly they made him their confederate, were transported by him to the island, and seized a stronghold by the sea which they called Arcadia.3 With this as their base and having the support of Timotheüs they inflicted damage upon those in the city.4 And when the Zacynthians asked the Lacedaemonians to help them, these latter at first sent envoys to Athens to denounce Timotheüs; but then, seeing that the Athenian people favoured the exiles,5 they organized a fleet, and manning

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τριήρεις εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε ἐξέπεμψαν τοῖς Ζακυνθίοις συμμαχίαν, δόντες τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Ἀριστοκράτει.

46. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις τῶν ἐκ Κορκύρας τινὲς φίλοι Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπαναστάντες τῷ δήμῳ, παρεκάλεσαν τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἀποστεῖλαι ναυτικὴν δύναμιν, ὑπισχνούμενοι παραδώσειν αὐτοῖς τὴν Κόρκυραν. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τὴν Κόρκυραν εἰδότες μεγάλην ῥοπὴν ἔχουσαν τοῖς ἀντεχομένοις τῆς θαλάττης, ἔσπευσαν κύριοι γενέσθαι 2ταύτης τῆς πόλεως. εὐθὺς οὖν ἔπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Κόρκυραν τριήρεις εἴκοσι καὶ δύο, τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Ἀλκίδᾳ παραδόντες. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν στόλον προσεποιήθησαν εἰς Σικελίαν ἀποστεῖλαι, ἵνα ὡς φίλοι προσδεχθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Κορκυραίων κατάσχωσι 3τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν φυγάδων. οἱ δὲ Κορκυραῖοι γνόντες τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐπιμελῶς ἐφύλαττον, εἰς δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψαν περὶ βοηθείας. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι ψηφισάμενοι βοηθεῖν τοῖς Κορκυραίοις καὶ Ζακυνθίων τοῖς φυγάσιν,1 εἰς μὲν τὴν Ζάκυνθον ἐξέπεμψαν Κτησικλέα στρατηγόν, ἡγούμενον τῶν φυγάδων, εἰς δὲ τὴν Κόρκυραν παρεσκευάζοντο ναυτικὴν δύναμιν ἐκπέμπειν.

4Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν Πλαταιεῖς ἀντεχόμενοι τῆς Ἀθηναίων συμμαχίας μετεπέμποντο στρατιώτας, κεκρικότες τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις οἱ βοιωτάρχαι χαλεπῶς διατεθέντες πρὸς τοὺς Πλαταιεῖς, καὶ σπεύδοντες φθάσαι τὴν παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων συμμαχίαν, εὐθὺς ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς δύναμιν

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twenty-five triremes sent them to assist the Zacynthians, 374/3 b.c. placing Aristocrates in command.1

46. While these things were going on, some partisans of the Lacedaemonians in Corcyra revolted against the democracy and called upon the Spartans to dispatch a fleet, promising to betray Corcyra to them. The Lacedaemonians, aware of the great importance that Corcyra had for the aspirants to sea power, made haste to possess themselves of this city.2 So they immediately dispatched to Corcyra twenty-two triremes, having given the command to Alcidas. They pretended that this expedition was sent to Sicily, in order to be received as friends by the Corcyraeans and then with the assistance of the exiles to occupy the city. But the Corcyraeans, discovering the design of the Spartans, kept careful guard over the city and sent envoys to Athens to get help. The Athenians voted help for the Corcyraeans and the Zacynthian exiles, sent to Zacynthos Ctesicles as general in command of the exiles, and prepared to dispatch a naval force to Corcyra.

While these things were going on, the Plataeans in Boeotia, clinging to the alliance with the Athenians, sent to them for soldiers, having decided to hand their city over to the Athenians. At this the Boeotarchs3 became incensed with the Plataeans, and, being eager to forestall the allied force from Athens, immediately brought a considerable army against

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5ἀξιόλογον ἦγον. παραγενόμενοι δὲ πλησίον τῆς τῶν Πλαταιέων πόλεως, ἀπροσδοκήτου τῆς ἐπιθέσεως γενομένης, οἱ πλεῖστοι μὲν τῶν Πλαταιέων ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας καταληφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων συνηρπάγησαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ καταφυγόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ συμμάχων ὄντες ἔρημοι, συνηναγκάσθησαν ὁμολογίας συνθέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐαρέστους· ἔδει γὰρ αὐτοὺς τὰ ἔπιπλα λαβόντας ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ μηκέτι τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπιβαίνειν. 6μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ μὲν Θηβαῖοι τὰς Πλαταιὰς κατασκάψαντες καὶ Θεσπιὰς ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς αὐτοὺς διακειμένας ἐξεπόρθησαν, οἱ δὲ Πλαταιεῖς εἰς Ἀθήνας μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν φυγόντες τῆς ἰσοπολιτείας ἔτυχον διὰ τὴν χρηστότητα τοῦ δήμου.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Βοιωτίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

47. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ στρατηγὸν καταστήσαντες Μνάσιππον ἐξαπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τὴν Κόρκυραν, ἔχοντα τριήρεις μὲν ἑξήκοντα καὶ πέντε, στρατιώτας δὲ χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους. οὗτος δὲ καταπλεύσας εἰς τὴν νῆσον καὶ προσλαβόμενος τοὺς φυγάδας εἰσέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν λιμένα καὶ τεττάρων μὲν νεῶν ἐκυρίευσε, τῶν δὲ ὑπολοίπων τριῶν νεῶν φυγουσῶν πρὸς τὴν γῆν, αὗται μὲν ἐνεπρήσθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Κορκυραίων, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχείριοι γένωνται. ἐνίκησε δὲ καὶ πεζῇ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ γῇ

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the Plataeans.1 They reached the neighbourhood of 374/3 b.c. Plataeae when the attack was not expected, so that a large number of the Plataeans were arrested in the fields and carried off by the cavalry, while the rest, who had escaped to the city, being helpless without any allies, were forced to make a covenant agreeable to their enemies; they were obliged, namely, to depart from the city with their movable possessions and never again to set foot on Boeotian soil. Thereupon the Thebans, having razed Plataeae completely, pillaged Thespiae2 as well, which was at odds with them. The Plataeans with their wives and children, having fled to Athens, received equality of civic rights3 as a mark of favour from the Athenian people.

Such was the state of affairs in Boeotia.

47. The Lacedaemonians appointed Mnasippus4 general and ordered him to proceed to Corcyra with sixty-five triremes, his forces consisting of fifteen hundred soldiers. Touching at the island, he picked up the exiles, then sailed into the harbour and captured four ships, the three remaining ships having fled to the shore, where they were burned by the Corcyraeans to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. He also defeated with his infantry

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λόφον τινὰ κατειλημμένους, καὶ καθόλου πολὺν 2φόβον τοῖς Κορκυραίοις ἐπέστησεν. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν ἀπεστάλκεισαν Τιμόθεον τὸν Κόνωνος ἐπὶ βοήθειαν τοῖς Κορκυραίοις μετὰ νεῶν ἑξήκοντα· οὗτος δὲ πρὸ τῆς συμμαχίας ταύτης πλεύσας ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, καὶ πολλὰς πόλεις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν προσκαλεσάμενος, προσέθηκε τριάκοντα τριήρεις· 3τότε δὲ καθυστερῶν τῆς τῶν Κορκυραίων συμμαχίας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπέβαλε τὴν στρατηγίαν, τοῦ δήμου χαλεπῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν διατεθέντος· ὡς δὲ παρέπλευσεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἄγων πρέσβεων πλῆθος τῶν τὴν συμμαχίαν συντιθεμένων καὶ τριάκοντα τριήρεις προστεθεικώς, πάντα δὲ τὸν στόλον εὖ κατεσκευακὼς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, μετενόησεν ὁ δῆμος καὶ πάλιν αὐτῷ τὴν στρατηγίαν ἀποκατέστησεν. 4προσκατεσκεύαζον1 δὲ καὶ ἄλλας2 τριήρεις τετταράκοντα, ὥστε3 τὰς πάσας4 γίνεσθαι ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα· ἐποιοῦντο δὲ καὶ σίτου καὶ βελῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν εἰς πόλεμον χρησίμων ἀξιολόγους παρασκευάς. κατὰ δὲ τὸ παρὸν στρατηγὸν ἑλόμενοι Κτησικλέα μετὰ στρατιωτῶν πεντακοσίων ἐξέπεμψαν βοηθήσοντα τοῖς Κορκυραίοις. 5οὗτος δὲ λάθρᾳ νυκτὸς ἔλαθε τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας εἰσπλεύσας εἰς Κόρκυραν· καὶ καταλαβὼν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει πρὸς μὲν ἀλλήλους στασιάζοντας, τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον κακῶς διοικοῦντας, τὰς μὲν στάσεις διέλυσε, τῆς δὲ πόλεως πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιησάμενος εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίησε τοὺς πολιορκουμένους.

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a contingent on land which had seized a certain 374/3 b.c. hill, and generally terrorized the Corcyraeans. The Athenians had some time previously dispatched Timotheüs, Conon’s son, with sixty ships to aid Corcyra. He, however, before intervening in their favour, had sailed to the region of Thrace. Here he summoned many cities to join the alliance, and added thirty triremes to his fleet. At this point, because he was too late to assist Corcyra, he was at first deprived of his command as a result of his loss of popularity. Later, however, when he sailed along the Attic coast to Athens, bringing with him a great number of envoys from states which were ready to conclude an alliance with Athens, having added thirty triremes to his fleet and put the whole fleet in good trim for the war, the people repented and reinstated1 him in his command. They furthermore equipped forty additional triremes, so that altogether he had one hundred thirty; they also provided liberal stores of food, engines of war, and other supplies needed for war. To meet the immediate emergency, they chose Ctesicles2 general and sent him with five hundred soldiers to aid the Corcyraeans. He arrived there secretly by night and sailed into Corcyra undetected by the besiegers. Finding the inhabitants of the city at strife with one another and handling military matters badly, he composed the dissensions, devoted much attention to the city’s business, and heartened

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6καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπροσδοκήτως τοῖς πολιορκοῦσιν ἐπιθέμενος ἀνεῖλεν αὐτῶν περὶ διακοσίους, ὕστερον δὲ μεγάλης μάχης γενομένης τόν τε Μνάσιππον ἀνεῖλε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οὐκ ὀλίγους· τέλος δὲ τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας εἰς πολιορκίαν συγκλείσας 7μεγάλων ἐπαίνων ἔτυχεν. τοῦ δὲ περὶ τὴν Κόρκυραν πολέμου σχεδὸν ἤδη τέλος ἔχοντος κατέπλευσεν ὁ στόλος τῶν Ἀθηναίων εἰς τὴν Κόρκυραν, ἔχων στρατηγοὺς Τιμόθεον καὶ Ἰφικράτην. οὗτοι δὲ τῶν καιρῶν ὑστερηκότες ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἔπραξαν μνήμης ἄξιον, τριήρεσι δὲ Σικελικαῖς περιτυχόντες, ἃς Διονύσιος ἦν ἀπεσταλκὼς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν, ὧν ἡγοῦντο Κισσίδης καὶ Κρίνιππος, αὐτάνδρους εἷλον, οὔσας ἐννέα· τοὺς δ᾿ ἁλόντας λαφυροπωλήσαντες, καὶ πλείω τῶν ἑξήκοντα ταλάντων ἀθροίσαντες, ἐμισθοδότησαν τὴν δύναμιν.

8Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις κατὰ μὲν τὴν Κύπρον Νικοκλῆς ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἐδολοφόνησεν Εὐαγόραν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τῆς τῶν Σαλαμινίων βασιλείας ἐκυρίευσε, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰταλίαν Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς Πραινεστίνους παραταξάμενοι καὶ νικήσαντες τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων κατέκοψαν.

48. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀστείου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους ἕξ, Μάρκον Φούριον καὶ Λεύκιον Φούριον, ἔτι δὲ Αὖλον Ποστόμιον καὶ Λεύκιον Λοκρήτιον καὶ Μάρκον Φάβιον καὶ Λεύκιον Ποστόμιον. ἐπὶ δὲ

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the besieged. At first in an unexpected attack on 374/3 b.c. the besiegers he slew about two hundred, and later in a great battle slew Mnasippus and not a few others. Finally he encircled and laid siege to the besiegers and won great approval.1 The war to possess Corcyra was practically at an end when the Athenian fleet sailed in with the generals Timotheus2 and Iphicrates. These, having arrived too late for the critical moment, accomplished nothing worth mentioning except that, falling in with some Sicilian triremes3 which Dionysius had dispatched under the command of Cissides and Crinippus to assist his allies the Lacedaemonians, they captured them with their crews, nine ships in all. By selling the captives as booty they collected more than sixty talents, with which they paid their forces.4

While these things were going on, in Cyprus Nicocles the eunuch5 assassinated the king Evagoras and possessed himself of the royal power over the Salaminians; and in Italy the Romans, arrayed in battle against the Praenestini,6 defeated them and slew almost all their opponents.

48. When Asteius was archon at Athens, the 373/2 b.c. Romans elected six military tribunes with consular power, Marcus Furius, Lucius Furius, Aulus Postumius, Lucius Lucretius, Marcus Fabius, and Lucius

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τούτων κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐγένοντο σεισμοὶ μεγάλοι καὶ κατακλυσμοὶ χώρας καὶ πόλεων ἄπιστοι· οὐδέποτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις ἐγένοντο πάθη τοιαῦτα περὶ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας, οὔτε τῶν πόλεων αὐτάνδρων ἀφανισμός, θείας τινὸς ἐνεργείας τὴν ἀπώλειαν καὶ φθορὰν τῶν ἀνθρώπων 2μηχανησαμένης. ἐπέτεινε δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς συμφορᾶς ὁ καιρός· οὐ γὰρ ἡμέρας συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν σεισμὸν ἐν ᾗ δυνατὸν ἦν τοὺς κινδυνεύοντας βοηθεῖν ἑαυτοῖς, ἀλλὰ νυκτὸς τοῦ πάθους συμβάντος αἱ μὲν οἰκίαι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ σεισμοῦ καταρριπτούμεναι συνεχέοντο, οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι διά τε τὸ σκότος καὶ τὸ τῆς περιστάσεως ἀπροσδόκητον καὶ παράδοξον ἀδυνάτως εἶχον ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι 3τῆς σωτηρίας. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλείους ἐναποληφθέντες τοῖς πτώμασι τῶν οἰκιῶν ἠφανίσθησαν· ἐπιλαβούσης δ᾿ ἡμέρας τινὲς ἐξεπήδων ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν, καὶ δόξαντες ἐκπεφευγέναι τὸν κίνδυνον μείζονι καὶ παραδοξοτέρᾳ συμφορᾷ περιέπεσον· τῆς γὰρ θαλάσσης μετεωρισθείσης ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ κύματος ὑψηλοῦ ἐξαιρομένου κατεκλύσθησαν ἅπαντες σὺν ταῖς πατρίσιν ἀφανισθέντες. ἐγένετο δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος τῆς Ἀχαΐας περὶ δύο πόλεις, Ἑλίκην τε καὶ Βοῦραν, ὧν τὴν Ἑλίκην1 συνέβαινε μέγιστον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀχαΐαν πόλεων ἔχειν ἀξίωμα πρὸ τοῦ 4σεισμοῦ. περὶ δὲ τῶν συμπτωμάτων μεγάλης οὔσης ζητήσεως, οἱ μὲν φυσικοὶ πειρῶνται τὰς αἰτίας τῶν τοιούτων παθῶν οὐκ εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἀναφέρειν,

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Postumius. During their term of office great earthquakes 373/2 b.c. occurred in the Peloponnese accompanied by tidal waves which engulfed the open country and cities in a manner past belief; for never in the earlier periods had such disasters befallen Greek cities, nor had entire cities along with their inhabitants disappeared as a result of some divine force wreaking destruction and ruin upon mankind. The extent of the destruction was increased by the time of its occurrence; for the earthquake did not come in the daytime when it would have been possible for the sufferers to help themselves, but the blow came at night, so that when the houses crashed and crumbled under the force of the shock, the population, owing to the darkness and to the surprise and bewilderment occasioned by the event, had no power to struggle for life. The majority were caught in the falling houses and annihilated, but as day returned some survivors dashed from the ruins and, when they thought they had escaped the danger, met with a greater and still more incredible disaster. For the sea rose to a vast height, and a wave towering even higher washed away and drowned all the inhabitants and their native lands as well. Two cities in Achaia bore the brunt of this disaster, Helice and Bura,1 the former of which had, as it happened, before the earthquake held first place among the cities of Achaia. These disasters have been the subject of much discussion. Natural scientists make it their endeavour to attribute responsibility in such cases not to divine providence, but

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ἀλλ᾿ εἰς φυσικάς τινας καὶ κατηναγκασμένας περιστάσεις, οἱ δ᾿ εὐσεβῶς διακείμενοι πρὸς τὸ θεῖον πιθανάς τινας αἰτίας ἀποδιδοῦσι τοῦ συμβάντος, ὡς διὰ θεῶν μῆνιν γεγενημένης τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἀσεβήσασι· περὶ ὧν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀκριβῶς ἀναγράψαι πειρασόμεθα τῇ κατὰ μέρος ἱστορίᾳ.

49. Κατὰ τὴν Ἰωνίαν ἐννέα πόλεις εἰώθεισαν κοινὴν ποιεῖσθαι σύνοδον τὴν τῶν Πανιωνίων, καὶ θυσίας συνθύειν ἀρχαίας καὶ μεγάλας Ποσειδῶνι περὶ τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Μυκάλην ἐν ἐρήμῳ τόπῳ. ὕστερον δὲ πολέμων γενομένων περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους οὐ δυνάμενοι ποιεῖν τὰ Πανιώνια, μετέθεσαν τὴν πανήγυριν εἰς ἀσφαλῆ τόπον, ὃς ἦν πλησίον τῆς Ἐφέσου. πέμψαντες δὲ θεωροὺς Πυθώδε, χρησμοὺς ἔλαβον ἀφιδρύματα λαβεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων καὶ προγονικῶν αὐτοῖς βωμῶν ἐξ Ἑλίκης τῆς1 ἐν τῷ τότε μὲν Ἰωνίας, νῦν δὲ 2Ἀχαΐας καλουμένης. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν ἔπεμψαν εἰς Ἀχαΐαν τοὺς ληψομένους τὰ ἀφιδρύματα· οὗτοι δὲ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διαλεχθέντες ἔπεισαν διδόναι τὰ ἀξιούμενα. οἱ δὲ τὴν Ἑλίκην οἰκοῦντες, ἔχοντες παλαιὸν λόγιον ὅτι τότε κινδυνεύσουσιν ὅταν Ἴωνες ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος θύσωσιν, ἀναλογιζόμενοι τὸν χρησμὸν ἀντέλεγον τοῖς Ἴωσι περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων,

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to certain natural circumstances determined by necessary 373/2 b.c. causes, whereas those who are disposed to venerate the divine power assign certain plausible reasons for the occurrence, alleging that the disaster was occasioned by the anger of the gods at those who had committed sacrilege. This question I too shall endeavour to deal with in detail in a special chapter of my history.1

49. In Ionia nine cities2 were in the habit of holding a common assemblage of all the Ionians and of offering sacrifices of great antiquity on a large scale to Poseidon in a lonely region near the place called Mycale. Later, however, as a result of the outbreak of wars in this neighbourhood, since they were unable to hold the Panionia there, they shifted the festival gathering to a safe place near Ephesus. Having sent an embassy to Delphi, they received an oracle telling them to take copies of the ancient ancestral altars at Helicê, which was situated in what was then known as Ionia,3 but is known now as Achaia. So the Ionians in obedience to the oracle sent men to Achaia to make the copies, and they spoke before the council of the Achaeans and persuaded them to give them what they asked. The inhabitants of Helicê, however, who had an ancient saying that they would suffer danger when Ionians should sacrifice at the altar of Poseidon, taking account of the oracle, opposed the Ionians in the matter of the copies, saying that the sanctuary was

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λέγοντες μὴ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἀλλ᾿ ἴδιον αὑτῶν1 εἶναι τὸ τέμενος· συνέπραττον δὲ τούτοις καὶ οἱ τὴν 3Βοῦραν οἰκοῦντες. τῶν δὲ Ἀχαιῶν κοινῷ δόγματι συγχωρησάντων, οἱ μὲν Ἴωνες ἔθυσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος κατὰ τὸν χρησμόν, οἱ δ᾿ Ἑλικεῖς τὰ χρήματα2 διαρρίψαντες τῶν Ἰώνων τούς τε θεωροὺς συνήρπασαν, ἠσέβησάν τε εἰς τὸ θεῖον. ἀνθ᾿ ὧν φασι μηνίσαντα τὸν Ποσειδῶνα διὰ τοῦ σεισμοῦ καὶ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ τὰς ἀσεβούσας 4πόλεις λυμήνασθαι. τοῦ δ᾿ ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος γεγονέναι τὴν μῆνιν ταῖς πόλεσί φασιν ἐμφανεῖς ἀποδείξεις ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὸ τῶν σεισμῶν καὶ τῶν κατακλυσμῶν τοῦτον τὸν θεὸν ἔχειν διειλῆφθαι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τὸ παλαιὸν τὴν Πελοπόννησον οἰκητήριον γεγονέναι Ποσειδῶνος, καὶ τὴν χώραν ταύτην ὥσπερ ἱερὰν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος νομίζεσθαι, καὶ τὸ σύνολον πάσας τὰς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεις μάλιστα τῶν ἀθανάτων τὸν θεὸν 5τιμᾶν τοῦτον. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατὰ βάθους ἔχειν μεγάλα κοιλώματα καὶ συστάσεις ὑδάτων ναματιαίων μεγάλας. εἶναι γὰρ ἐν αὐτῇ δύο ποταμοὺς φανεροὺς ῥέοντας ὑπὸ γῆν· ὅ τε γὰρ περὶ Φένεον ποταμὸς εἰς τὴν γῆν καταδυόμενος ἐν τοῖς προτέροις χρόνοις ἠφανίζετο, τῶν κατὰ γῆς ἄντρων αὐτὸν ὑποδεχομένων, ὅ τε περὶ

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not the common property of the Achaeans, but 373/2 b.c. their own particular possession. The inhabitants of Bura also took part with them in this. But since the Achaeans by common decree had concurred, the Ionians sacrificed at the altar of Poseidon as the oracle directed, but the people of Helicê scattered the sacred possessions of the Ionians and seized the persons of their representatives,1 thus committing sacrilege. It was because of these acts, they say, that Poseidon in his anger brought ruin upon the offending cities through the earthquake and the flood. That it was Poseidon’s wrath that was wreaked upon these cities they allege that clear proofs are at hand: first, it is distinctly conceived that authority over earthquakes and floods belongs to this god,2 and also it is the ancient belief that the Peloponnese was an habitation of Poseidon; and this country is regarded as sacred in a way to Poseidon, and, speaking generally, all the cities in the Peloponnese pay honour to this god more than to any other of the immortals. Furthermore, the Peloponnese has beneath its surface huge caverns and great underground accumulations of flowing water. Indeed there are two rivers in it which clearly have underground courses; one of them, in fact, near Pheneüs, plunges into the ground, and in former times completely disappeared, swallowed up by underground caves, and the other, near Stymphalus,1

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Στύμφηλον1 εἴς τι2 χάσμα καταδυόμενος ἐπὶ διακοσίους σταδίους φέρεται κεκρυμμένος κατὰ γῆς 6καὶ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν ἐξίησιν. πρὸς δὲ τοῖς εἰρημένοις λέγουσιν, ὅτι πλὴν τῶν ἀσεβησάντων οὐδεὶς ἄλλος περιέπεσε τῇ συμφορᾷ. καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν γενομένων σεισμῶν καὶ κατακλυσμῶν ἀρκεσθησόμεθα τοῖς ῥηθεῖσιν.

50. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀλκισθένους Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους κατέστησαν ὀκτώ, Λεύκιον Οὐαλέριον καὶ Πόπλιον,3 ἔτι δὲ Γάιον Τερέντιον καὶ Λεύκιον Μενήνιον, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Γάιον Σολπίκιον καὶ Τίτον Παπίριον καὶ Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον,4 παρὰ δὲ Ἠλείοις ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη δευτέρα πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα 2στάδιον Δάμων Θούριος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων, Λακεδαιμονίων ἔτη σχεδὸν πεντακόσια τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐχόντων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, τὸ θεῖον προεσήμαινεν αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς τὴν ἀποβολήν· ὤφθη μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἐπὶ πολλὰς νύκτας λαμπὰς μεγάλη καομένη, ἀπὸ τοῦ σχήματος ὀνομασθεῖσα πυρίνη δοκίς· μικρὸν δ᾿ ὕστερον ἡττηθέντες οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται παραδόξως μεγάλῃ μάχῃ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀπέβαλον

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plunges into a chasm and flows for two hundred 373/2 b.c. stades concealed underground, then pours forth by the city of the Argives. In addition to these statements the pious say further that except for those who committed the sacrilege no one perished in the disaster.2 Concerning the earthquakes and floods which occurred we shall rest content with what has been said.

50. When Alcisthenes was archon at Athens, the 372/1 b.c. Romans elected eight military tribunes with consular power, Lucius and Publius Valerius, Gaius Terentius, Lucius Menenius, Gaius Sulpicius, Titus Papirius, and Lucius Aemilius, and the Eleians celebrated the hundred second Olympiad in which Damon of Thurii won the stadium race. During their term of office, after the Lacedaemonians had held the supremacy in Greece for almost five hundred years, a divine portent foretold the loss of their empire; for there was seen in the heavens during the course of many nights a great blazing torch which was named from its shape a “flaming beam,”3 and a little later, to the surprise of all, the Spartans were defeated in a great battle

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3ἀνελπίστως. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν φυσικῶν τὴν γένεσιν τῆς λαμπάδος εἰς φυσικὰς αἰτίας ἀνέφερον, ἀποφαινόμενοι τὰ τοιαῦτα φαντάσματα κατηναγκασμένως γίνεσθαι χρόνοις ὡρισμένοις, καὶ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων τούς τε ἐν Βαβυλῶνι Χαλδαίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀστρολόγους ποιουμένους προρρήσεις ἐναργεῖς ἐπιτυγχάνειν· τοὺς δὲ μὴ θαυμάζειν ὅταν γένηταί τι τοιοῦτον, ἀλλ᾿ ἐὰν μὴ γένηται, κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας ἑκάστων περιόδους αἰωνίοις κινήσεσι καὶ φοραῖς ὡρισμέναις συντελουμένων.1 τὴν δ᾿ οὖν λαμπάδα τοσαύτην ἐσχηκέναι λαμπρότητα καὶ δύναμιν τοῦ φωτός, ὥστ᾿ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς σκιὰς ποιεῖν παραπλησίας τῇ σελήνῃ.

4Κατὰ δὲ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ βασιλεὺς ὁρῶν πάλιν ταραττομένην τὴν Ἑλλάδα πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλε, παρακαλῶν συλλύσασθαι τοὺς ἐμφυλίους πολέμους καὶ συνθέσθαι κοινὴν εἰρήνην κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας, ἃς πρότερον ἦσαν πεποιημένοι. τῶν δὲ Ἑλλήνων πάντων ἀσμένως προσδεξαμένων τοὺς λόγους, συνέθεντο κοινὴν εἰρήνην αἱ πόλεις πᾶσαι πλὴν Θηβαίων· Θηβαῖοι γὰρ μόνοι, τὴν Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ μίαν ἄγοντες συντέλειαν, οὐ προσεδέχθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ τὸ πᾶσιν ἀρέσκειν

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and irretrievably lost their supremacy. Some of the 372/1 b.c. students of nature ascribed the origin of the torch to natural causes, voicing the opinion that such apparitions occur of necessity at appointed times, and that in these matters the Chaldeans in Babylon and the other astrologers succeed in making accurate prophecies. These men, they say, are not surprised when such a phenomenon occurs, but rather if it does not, since each particular constellation has its own peculiar cycle and they complete these cycles through age-long movements in appointed courses. At any rate this torch had such brilliancy, they report, and its light such strength that it cast shadows on the earth similar to those cast by the moon.

At this time Artaxerxes the Persian King, seeing that the Greek world was again in a turmoil, sent ambassadors,1 calling upon the Greeks to settle their internecine wars and establish a common peace in accordance with the covenants2 they had formerly made. All the Greeks gladly received his proposal, and all the cities agreed to a general peace except Thebes3; for the Thebans alone, being engaged in bringing Boeotia under a single confederacy,4 were not admitted by the Greeks because of the general determination

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κατὰ πόλιν γίνεσθαι τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς σπονδάς. διόπερ ἔκσπονδοι γενηθέντες ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον, συνεῖχον τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐν τῇ καθ᾿ 5αὑτοὺς μιᾷ συντελείᾳ. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παροξυνθέντες ἔγνωσαν μεγάλῃ δυνάμει στρατεύειν ἐπ᾿ αὐτούς, ὡς κοινοὺς πολεμίους· σφόδρα γὰρ ὑφεωρῶντο τὴν αὔξησιν αὐτῶν, μήποτε τῆς ὅλης Βοιωτίας ἡγούμενοι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς Σπάρτης καταλύσωσιν, ἐπιλαβόμενοι καιροῦ. ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς γυμνασίοις συνεχῶς διατρίβοντες εὔρωστοι τοῖς σώμασιν ὑπῆρχον, καὶ φύσει φιλοπόλεμοι καθεστῶτες οὐδενὸς ἔθνους Ἑλληνικοῦ 6ταῖς ἀνδρείαις ἐλείποντο. εἶχον δὲ καὶ ἡγεμόνας ἐπιφανεῖς ταῖς ἀρεταῖς πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ ἄλλους, μεγίστους δὲ τρεῖς, Ἐπαμεινώνδαν καὶ Γοργίδαν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Πελοπίδαν· ἥ τε πόλις τῶν Θηβαίων διὰ τῆς τῶν προγόνων ἐπιφανείας ἐν τοῖς ἡρωικοῖς χρόνοις φρονήματος ἦν πλήρης καὶ μεγάλων ὠρέγετο πραγμάτων. κατὰ μὲν οὖν τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον καὶ δυνάμεις κατέλεγον τὰς μὲν πολιτικάς, τὰς δὲ παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων.

51. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Φρασικλείδου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους ὀκτώ, Πόπλιον Μάνιον καὶ Γάιον Ἐρενούκιον καὶ Γάιον Σέξστον καὶ Τιβέριον Ἰούλιον, ἔτι δὲ Λεύκιον Λαβίνιον καὶ Πόπλιον Τριβώνιον καὶ Γάιον Μάλλιον, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Λεύκιον Ἀνθέστιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν Θηβαῖοι ἔκσπονδοι γεγονότες

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to have the oaths and treaties made city by city.1 372/1 b.c. So, remaining outside of the treaties as formerly, the Thebans continued to hold Boeotia in a single confederacy subject to themselves. The Lacedaemonians, being exasperated by this, decided to lead a large army against them as common enemies, for they cast an extremely jealous eye upon their increase of power, fearing lest with the leadership of all Boeotia they might break up the Spartan supremacy, given a suitable opportunity. For they constantly practised gymnastics and had great bodily strength, and since they were naturally lovers of war, they were inferior to no Greek nation in deeds of valour. They had besides leaders conspicuous for their virtues, greatest among them being three men, Epameinondas, Gorgidas, and Pelopidas.2 The city of the Thebans was full of pride because of the glory of its ancestors in the heroic age and aspired to mighty deeds. In this year, then, the Lacedaemonians were making ready for war, levying armies both of their own citizens and from their allies as well.

51. When Phrasicleides was archon at Athens, the 371/0 b.c. Romans elected eight military tribunes with consular power, Publius Manius, Gaius Erenucius, Gaius Sextus, Tiberius Julius, Lucius Lavinius, Publius Tribonius, and Gaius Manlius, and besides Lucius Anthestius.3 During their term of office the Thebans, since they were not participants in the truce, were

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ἠναγκάσθησαν ἀναδέξασθαι μόνοι τὸν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους πόλεμον· οὐδεμιᾷ γὰρ ἐξῆν πόλει συμμαχῆσαι διὰ τὸ πάσας συντεθεῖσθαι1 τὴν κοινὴν 2εἰρήνην. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, μονωθέντων τῶν Θηβαίων, ἔκριναν πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς Θήβας ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι. φανερᾶς δὲ οὔσης τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων παρασκευῆς, καὶ τῶν Θηβαίων ἐρήμων ὄντων συμμάχων, ἅπαντες ὑπελάμβανον αὐτοὺς ῥᾳδίως ὑπὸ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν καταπολεμηθήσεσθαι.2 3διόπερ οἱ μὲν εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχοντες3 τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς τοὺς Θηβαίους συνήλγουν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ ταῖς προσδοκωμέναις συμφοραῖς, οἱ δ᾿ ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντες περιχαρεῖς ἦσαν, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα τῶν Θηβαίων ἐξανδραποδισθησομένων. τέλος δ᾿ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πολλὴν δύναμιν παρασκευασάμενοι παρέδωκαν αὐτὴν Κλεομβρότῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν προαπέστειλαν πρέσβεις εἰς Θήβας, προστάττοντες ἁπάσας τὰς ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ πόλεις ἐᾶν αὐτονόμους, Πλαταιὰς δὲ καὶ Θεσπιὰς οἰκίζειν καὶ τὴν χώραν τοῖς πρότερον γεγονόσι κυρίοις 4ἀποκαταστῆσαι. ἀποκριναμένων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων, ὡς οὔτ᾿ αὐτοὶ πολυπραγμονοῦσιν οὐδὲν4 τῶν κατὰ τὴν Λακωνικὴν οὔτ᾿5 ἐκείνοις ἅπτεσθαι προσήκει6 τῶν7 τῆς Βοιωτίας· γενομένων δὲ τοιούτων τῶν ἀποκρίσεων οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν Κλεόμβροτον εὐθὺς ἐξέπεμψαν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας· οἱ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων σύμμαχοι προθύμως εἶχον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, ἐλπίζοντες μήτ᾿ ἀγῶνα

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forced to undertake alone the war with the Lacedaemonians; 371/0 b.c. for there was no city that could legally join them, because all had agreed to the general peace. The Lacedaemonians, since the Thebans were isolated, determined to fight them and reduce Thebes to complete slavery. And since the Lacedaemonians were making their preparations without concealment and the Thebans were destitute of allies, everyone assumed that they would easily be defeated by the Spartans. Accordingly some of the Greeks who were friendly to the Thebans sympathized with them at the prospect of defeat, while others who were at odds with them were overjoyed at the thought that Thebes would in a trice be reduced to utter slavery. Finally the Lacedaemonians, their huge army ready, gave command of it to Cleombrotus their king,1 and first of all sent envoys ahead to Thebes, directing the Thebans to permit all of the Boeotian cities to be independent, to people Plataeae and Thespiae,2 and to restore the land to its former owners. When the Thebans replied that they never meddled with affairs in Laconia and the Spartans had no right to touch those of Boeotia, such being the tenor of their answers, the Lacedaemonians sent Cleombrotus forth immediately with his army against Thebes; and the Spartan allies were eager for the war, confident that there would be no contest or

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μήτε μάχην ἔσεσθαι, ἀλλ᾿ ἀκονιτὶ τῶν Βοιωτῶν κρατήσειν.

52. Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν προάγοντες ὡς ἧκον εἰς Κορώνειαν,1 κατεστρατοπέδευσαν καὶ τοὺς καθυστεροῦντας τῶν συμμάχων ἀνέμενον. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι διὰ τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν πολεμίων ἐψηφίσαντο τέκνα μὲν καὶ γυναῖκας εἰς Ἀθήνας ὑπεκθέσθαι, αὐτοὶ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδαν στρατηγὸν ἑλόμενοι τούτῳ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν, συμπαρόντων αὐτῷ βοιωταρχῶν 2ἕξ. ὁ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδας πανδημεὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ στρατιᾶς ὄντας καταλέξας εἰς τὴν μάχην καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Βοιωτῶν τοὺς εὐθέτους, προῆγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῶν Θηβῶν, ἔχων τοὺς σύμπαντας οὐ πλείους τῶν ἑξακισχιλίων. 3κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς πόλεως ἔξοδον τῶν στρατιωτῶν πολλοῖς ἔδοξε δυσχερῆ σημεῖα φανῆναι τῷ στρατοπέδῳ. περὶ γὰρ τὰς πύλας ἀπήντησε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν κῆρυξ τυφλός, ὃς2 ἀνδράποδ᾿3 ἀποδεδρακότα ἀνακομίζων,4 καὶ καθάπερ ἦν εἰθισμένον ἀνηγόρευε κηρύττων μήτ᾿ ἐξάγειν Θήβηθεν μήτ᾿ ἀφανίζειν, ἀλλ᾿ ἀπάγοντα πάλιν ἀνασώζειν. 4οἱ μὲν οὖν πρεσβύτεροι τῶν ἀκουόντων τοῦ κήρυκος οἰωνὸν ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ μέλλοντος, οἱ δὲ νεώτεροι ἡσυχίαν εἶχον, ἵνα μὴ δόξωσι διὰ δειλίαν ἀποτρέπειν5 τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν τῆς στρατείας. ὁ δ᾿

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battle but that they would master the Boeotians 371/0 b.c. without a struggle.

52. The Spartans accordingly advanced till they came to Coroneia, where they encamped and waited for such of their allies as were tardy. The Thebans, in view of the presence of the enemy, first voted to remove their wives and children to safety in Athens, then chose Epameinondas general and turned over to him the command in the war, giving him as his advisers six boeotarchs. Epameinondas, having conscripted for the battle all Thebans of military age and the other Boeotians who were willing and qualified, led forth from Thebes his army, numbering in all not more than six thousand. As the soldiers were marching out from the city it seemed to many that unfavourable omens appeared to the armament. For by the gates Epameinondas was met by a blind herald, who, seeking recovery of runaway slaves, just as was usual,1 cried his warning not to take them from Thebes nor to spirit them away, but to bring them home and keep them secure. Now the older people amongst those who heard the herald considered it an omen for the future; but the younger folk kept quiet so as not to appear through cowardice to hold Epameinondas back from the expedition. But

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Ἐπαμεινώνδας πρὸς τοὺς λέγοντας προσέχειν δεῖν1 τοῖς οἰωνοῖς εἶπεν

εἷς οἰωνὸς ἄριστος ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης.

5ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ παρρησίᾳ καταπληξαμένου τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου τοὺς εὐλαβῶς ἔχοντας, ἕτερος οἰωνὸς ἐφάνη δυσχερέστερος τοῦ προτέρου. ὁ γὰρ γραμματεὺς προῆγεν ἔχων δόρυ καὶ ταινίαν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ, καὶ προεσήμαινε τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων· πνεύματος δὲ γενομένου συνέβη τὴν ταινίαν ἀποσπασθεῖσαν περιαμπίσχεσθαι περί2 τινα στήλην ἐφεστῶσαν τάφῳ· ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ τεθαμμένοι τινὲς Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι, οἳ μετ᾿ Ἀγησιλάου στρατεύσαντες 6ἐτελεύτησαν. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων τινὲς πάλιν ἐντυχόντες διεμαρτύραντο μὴ προάγειν τὴν δύναμιν, φανερῶς τῶν θεῶν κωλυόντων, ὁ δ᾿ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἀποκριθεὶς προῆγε τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἡγούμενος τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν λογισμὸν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων μνήμην αἱρετωτέραν εἶναι τῶν παρόντων 7σημείων. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἐπαμεινώνδας πεφιλοσοφηκὼς καὶ τοῖς ἐν παιδείᾳ λογισμοῖς ἐμφρόνως χρησάμενος παραυτίκα μὲν ὑπὸ πολλῶν μέμψεως ἔτυχεν, ὕστερον δὲ διὰ τῶν κατορθωμάτων δόξας στρατηγικῇ συνέσει διαφέρειν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος ἐγένετο τῇ πατρίδι. εὐθὺς γὰρ προαγαγὼν τὴν δύναμιν, καὶ προκαταλαβόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν Κορώνειαν στενά, κατεστρατοπέδευσεν.

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Epameinondas replied to those who told him that he 371/0 b.c. must observe the omens:

“One only omen is best, to fight for the land that is ours.”1

Though Epameinondas astounded the cautious by his forthright answer, a second omen appeared more unfavourable than the previous one. For as the clerk advanced with a spear and a ribbon attached to it and signalled the orders from headquarters, a breeze came up and, as it happened, the ribbon was torn from the spear and wrapped itself around a slab that stood over a grave, and there were buried in this spot some Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesians who had died in the expedition under Agesilaüs. Some of the older folk who again chanced to be there protested earnestly against leading the force out in the face of the patent opposition of the gods; but Epameinondas, deigning them no reply, led forth his army, thinking that considerations of nobility and regard for justice should be preferred as motives to the omens in question. Epameinondas accordingly, who was trained in philosophy and applied sensibly the principles of his training, was at the moment widely criticized, but later in the light of his successes was considered to have excelled in military shrewdness and did contribute the greatest benefits to his country. For he immediately led forth his army, seized in advance the pass at Coroneia, and encamped there.

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53. Ὁ δὲ Κλεόμβροτος πυθόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους προκατειληφέναι τὰς παρόδους, τὸ μὲν ταύτῃ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διέξοδον ἀπέγνω, πορευθεὶς δὲ διὰ τῆς Φωκίδος, καὶ διεξελθὼν τὴν παραθαλαττίαν ὁδὸν χαλεπὴν οὖσαν, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀκινδύνως· ἐν παρόδῳ δέ τινα τῶν πολισματίων χειρωσάμενος δέκα1 τριήρων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο. 2μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καταντήσας εἰς τὰ καλούμενα Λεῦκτρα κατεστρατοπέδευσε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐκ τῆς ὁδοιπορίας ἀνελάμβανεν. οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ προάγοντες ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἤγγισαν αὐτοῖς καὶ λόφους τινὰς ὑπερβαλόντες ἄφνω κατενόησαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπέχοντας ἅπαν τὸ Λευκτρικὸν πεδίον, κατεπλάγησαν ἰδόντες τὸ μέγεθος 3τῆς δυνάμεως. συνεδρευσάντων δὲ τῶν βοιωταρχῶν καὶ βουλευομένων, πότερον χρὴ μένειν καὶ πρὸς πολλαπλασίονα δύναμιν διαγωνίζεσθαι ἢ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ποιησάμενοι ἐν τόποις ὑπερδεξίοις2 συστήσονται τὴν μάχην, ἔτυχον αἱ γνῶμαι τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἴσαι γενόμεναι. ἓξ γὰρ ὄντων βοιωταρχῶν τρεῖς μὲν ᾤοντο δεῖν ἀπάγειν τὴν δύναμιν, τρεῖς δὲ μένειν καὶ διαγωνίζεσθαι, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας συνεξαριθμούμενος. ἀπορίας δ᾿ οὔσης μεγάλης καὶ δυσκρίτου τῶν βοιωταρχῶν ὁ ἕβδομος ἧκεν, ὃν πείσας Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὁμόψηφον3 ἑαυτῷ γενέσθαι προετέρησε τῆς γνώμης. ὁ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ 4τῶν ὅλων ἀγὼν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐκυρώθη. ὁ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὁρῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας δεισιδαιμονοῦντας ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι σημείοις, ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας καὶ στρατηγίας μεταθεῖναι

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53. Cleombrotus, learning that the enemy had 371/0 b.c. seized the pass first, decided against forcing a passage there, proceeded instead through Phocis, and, when he had traversed the shore road which was difficult, entered Boeotia without danger. In his passage he took some of the fortresses and seized ten triremes.1 Later, when he reached the place called Leuctra, he encamped there and allowed the soldiers to recover after their march. As the Boeotians neared the enemy in their advance, and then, after surmounting some ridges, suddenly caught sight of the Lacedaemonians covering the entire plain of Leuctra, they were astounded at beholding the great size of the army. And when the boeotarchs held a conference2 to decide whether they ought to remain and fight it out with an army that many times outnumbered them, or whether they should retreat and join battle in a commanding position, it chanced that the votes of the leaders were equal. For of the six boeotarchs, three thought that they should withdraw the army, and three that they should stay and fight it out, and among the latter Epameinondas was numbered. In this great and perplexing deadlock, the seventh boeotarch came to vote, whom Epameinondas persuaded to vote with him, and thus he carried the day. So the decision to stake all on the issue of battle was thus ratified. But Epameinondas, who saw that the soldiers were superstitious on account of the omens that had occurred, earnestly desired through his own ingenuity and strategy to reverse the scruples of the

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τὰς τοῦ πλήθους εὐλαβείας. διόπερ τινῶν προσφάτως παραγεγονότων ἐκ Θηβῶν ἔπεισεν εἰπεῖν ὅτι τὰ κατὰ τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ὅπλα παραδόξως ἀφανῆ γέγονε καὶ λόγος ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις διαδέδοται ὡς τῶν ἡρώων τῶν ἀρχαίων ἀνειληφότων αὐτὰ καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς ἀπεληλυθότων. ἄλλον δὲ κατέστησεν ὡς ἀπὸ Τροφωνίου προσφάτως ἀναβεβηκότα καὶ λέγοντα διότι προστέταχεν ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς, ὅταν ἐν Λεύκτροις νικήσωσιν, ἀγῶνα τιθέναι Διὶ βασιλεῖ στεφανίτην· ἀφ᾿ οὗ δὴ Βοιωτοὶ ταύτην ποιοῦσι τὴν πανήγυριν ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ.

54. Συνήργησε δὲ πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ἐπίνοιαν Λεανδρίας1 ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, πεφευγὼς μὲν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, τότε δὲ συστρατεύων Θηβαίοις. οὗτος γὰρ ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ προαχθεὶς ἀπεφήνατο2· παλαιὸν εἶναι λόγιον τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις, ὅτι τότε τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀποβαλοῦσιν, ὅταν ἐν Λεύκτροις ὑπὸ Θηβαίων 2ἡττηθῶσιν. προσῆλθον δὲ τῷ Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ καὶ χρησμολόγοι τινὲς ἐγχώριοι, λέγοντες ὅτι περὶ τὸν τάφον τῶν Λεύκτρου καὶ Σκεδάσου θυγατέρων μεγάλῃ συμφορᾷ δεῖ περιπεσεῖν Λακεδαιμονίους 3διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. Λεῦκτρος ἦν, ἀφ᾿ οὗ τὸ πεδίον τοῦτο ἔσχε τὴν προσηγορίαν. τούτου θυγατέρας καὶ Σκεδάσου τινὸς ὁμοίως κόρας πρέσβεις Λακεδαιμονίων ἐβιάσαντο· αἱ δὲ ὑβρισθεῖσαι τὴν συμφορὰν οὐκ ἐνέγκασαι, τῇ πατρίδι τῇ πεμψάσῃ

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soldiery. Accordingly, a number of men having 371/0 b.c. recently arrived from Thebes, he persuaded them to say that the arms on the temple of Heracles had surprisingly disappeared and that word had gone abroad in Thebes that the heroes of old had taken them up and set off to help the Boeotians. He placed before them another man as one who had recently ascended from the cave of Trophonius,1 who said that the god had directed them, when they won at Leuctra, to institute a contest with crowns for prizes in honour of Zeus the king. This indeed is the origin of this festival which the Boeotians now celebrate at Lebadeia.

54. An aider and abettor of this device was Leandrias2 the Spartan, who had been exiled from Lace-daemon and was then a member of the Theban expedition. He was produced in the assembly and declared that there was an ancient saying amongst the Spartans, that they would lose the supremacy when they should be defeated at Leuctra at the hands of the Thebans. Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons. Leuctrus was the person for whom this plain was named. His daughters and those of a certain Scedasus as well, being maidens, were violated by some Lacedaemonian ambassadors. The outraged girls, unable to endure their misfortune, called down curses on the country that had sent forth

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τοὺς ὑβριστὰς καταρασάμεναι τὸν βίον αὐτοχειρίᾳ 4κατέστρεψαν. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ἄλλων τοιούτων λεγομένων, καὶ τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου συναγαγόντος ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας τοῖς οἰκείοις λόγοις προτρεψαμένου πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα, πάντες μετέθεντο τὰς γνώμας, καὶ τῆς μὲν δεισιδαιμονίας ἀπελύθησαν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν μάχην εὐθαρσεῖς ταῖς ψυχαῖς 5κατέστησαν. ἦλθε δὲ καὶ συμμαχία κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν τοῖς Θηβαίοις παρὰ Θετταλῶν, πεζοὶ μὲν χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακόσιοι, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Ἰάσων. οὗτος δ᾿ ἔπεισε τούς τε Βοιωτοὺς καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀνοχὰς ποιήσασθαι 6καὶ τὰ παράλογα τῆς τύχης εὐλαβηθῆναι. γενομένων δὲ τῶν σπονδῶν Κλεόμβροτος ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ τῆς Βοιωτίας, καὶ ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ ἄλλη δύναμις μεγάλη Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, ἡγουμένου Ἀρχιδάμου τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου. οἱ γὰρ Σπαρτιᾶται θεωροῦντες τὴν ἑτοιμότητα τῶν Βοιωτῶν, καὶ τὸ θράσος καὶ τὴν ἀπόνοιαν εὐλαβούμενοι, τὴν δευτέραν ἀπεστάλκεισαν δύναμιν, ἵνα τῷ πλήθει τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων περιγένωνται τῆς 7τῶν πολεμίων τόλμης. συνελθουσῶν δ᾿ εἰς ταὐτὸ τῶν δυνάμεων αἰσχρὸν εἶναι ὑπέλαβον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι δεδιέναι τὰς τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἀρετάς. διόπερ τὰς σπονδὰς παρ᾿ οὐδὲν ἡγησάμενοι μετὰ πολλῆς προθυμίας ἀνέκαμψαν εἰς Λεῦκτρα. ἑτοίμων δ᾿ ὄντων καὶ τῶν Βοιωτῶν πρὸς τὴν μάχην, ἐξέταττον ἀμφότεροι τὰς δυνάμεις.

55. Καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις οἱ ἀφ᾿

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their ravishers and took their lives by their own hands.1 371/0 b.c. Many other such occurrences were reported, and when Epameinondas had convened an assembly and exhorted the soldiers by the appropriate pleas to meet the issue, they all shifted their resolutions, rid themselves of their superstition, and with courage in their hearts stood ready for the battle. There came also at this time to aid the Thebans an allied contingent from Thessaly, fifteen hundred infantry, and five hundred horsemen, commanded by Jason.2 He persuaded both the Boeotians and the Lacedaemonians to make an armistice and so to guard against the caprices of Fortune. When the truce came into effect, Cleombrotus set out with his army from Boeotia, and there came to meet him another large army of Lacedaemonians and their allies under the command of Archidamus,3 son of Agesilaus. For the Spartans, seeing the preparedness of the Boeotians, and taking measures to meet their boldness and recklessness in battle, had dispatched the second army to overcome by the superior number of their combatants the daring of the enemy. Once these armies had united, the Lacedaemonians thought it cowardly to fear the valour of the Boeotians. So they disregarded the truce and with high spirits returned to Leuctra. The Boeotians too were ready for the battle and both sides marshalled their forces.

55. Now on the Lacedaemonian side the descendants

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Ἡρακλέους γεγονότες ἡγεμόνες ἐτάχθησαν ἐπὶ τῶν κεράτων, Κλεόμβροτός τε ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ βασιλέως υἱός, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἰδίᾳ τινὶ καὶ περιττῇ τάξει χρησάμενος διὰ τῆς ἰδίας στρατηγίας 2περιεποιήσατο τὴν περιβόητον νίκην. ἐκλεξάμενος γὰρ ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς δυνάμεως τοὺς ἀρίστους ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος ἔστησε, μεθ᾿ ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς ἔμελλε διαγωνίζεσθαι· τοὺς δ᾿ ἀσθενεστάτους ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον κέρας τάξας παρήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς φυγομαχεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἔφοδον τῶν πολεμίων ἐκ τοῦ κατ᾿ ὀλίγον ὑποχωρεῖν. διὸ καὶ λοξὴν ποιήσας τὴν φάλαγγα, τῷ τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους ἔχοντι κέρατι ἔγνω κρίνειν τὴν 3μάχην. ὡς δ᾿ αἵ τε σάλπιγγες ἐσήμαινον παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις τὸ πολεμικὸν καὶ κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ὁρμὴν συνηλάλαξαν αἱ δυνάμεις, οἱ μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς κέρασιν ἀμφοτέροις ἐπῆγον μηνοειδὲς τὸ σχῆμα τῆς φάλαγγος πεποιηκότες, οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ τῷ μὲν ἑτέρῳ κέρατι ὑπεχώρουν, τῷ δὲ ἑτέρῳ 4δρόμῳ συνῆπτον τοῖς πολεμίοις. ὡς δὲ συνῆψαν ἀλλήλοις εἰς χεῖρας, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκθύμως ἀμφοτέρων ἀγωνιζομένων ἰσόρροπος ἦν ἡ μάχη, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν διά τε τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν πυκνότητα τῆς τάξεως πλεονεκτούντων πολλοὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἀνῃροῦντο. οὐ γὰρ ὑπέμενον ὑπενέγκαι τὸ βάρος τῆς τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἀνδραγαθίας, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀντιστάντων οἱ μὲν ἔπιπτον, οἱ δὲ κατετραυματίζοντο, πάσας τὰς 5πληγὰς ἐναντίας λαμβάνοντες. ἕως μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς

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of Heracles were stationed as commanders of 371/0 b.c. the wings, namely Cleombrotus the king and Archiamus,1 son of the King Agesilaüs, while on the Boeotian side Epameinondas, by employing an unusual disposition of his own, was enabled through his own strategy to achieve his famous victory. He selected from the entire army the bravest men and stationed them on one wing, intending to fight to the finish with them himself. The weakest he placed on the other wing and instructed them to avoid battle and withdraw gradually during the enemy’s attack. So then, by arranging his phalanx in oblique formation, he planned to decide the issue of the battle by means of the wing in which were the élite. When the trumpets on both sides sounded the charge and the armies simultaneously with the first onset raised the battle-cry, the Lacedaemonians attacked both wings with their phalanx in crescent formation, while the Boeotians retreated on one wing, but on the other engaged the enemy in double-quick time. As they met in hand-to-hand combat, at first both fought ardently and the battle was evenly poised; shortly, however, as Epameinondas’ men began to derive advantage from their valour and the denseness of their lines, many Peloponnesians began to fall. For they were unable to endure the weight of the courageous fighting of the elite corps; of those who had resisted some fell and others were wounded, taking all the blows in front. Now as long

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τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Κλεόμβροτος ἔζη, πολλοὺς ἔχων τοὺς συνασπίζοντας καὶ προθύμως πρὸ αὐτοῦ ἀποθνήσκοντας, ἄδηλος ἦν ἡ ῥοπὴ τῆς νίκης· ἐπεὶ δ᾿ οὗτος πάντα κίνδυνον ὑπομένων οὐκ ἠδύνατο βιάσασθαι τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας, ἡρωικῶς δὲ μαχόμενος καὶ πολλοῖς τραύμασι περιπεσὼν ἐτελεύτησε, τότε συνδρομῆς γενομένης περὶ τοῦ πτώματος νεκρῶν πλῆθος ἐσωρεύθη.

56. Ἀναρχίας δὲ γενομένης περὶ τὸ κέρας, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν βαρεῖς ἐγκείμενοι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τῇ βίᾳ βραχὺ προέωσαν ἐκ τῆς τάξεως τοὺς πολεμίους, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀγωνισάμενοι λαμπρῶς τοῦ μὲν σώματος ἐγκρατεῖς ἐγένοντο, τῆς δὲ νίκης 2οὐκ ἴσχυσαν ἐφικέσθαι. τῶν γὰρ ἐπιλέκτων ὑπερβαλλομένων ταῖς ἀνδραγαθίαις, καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ παρακλήσεως Ἐπαμεινώνδου πολλὰ συμβαλλομένης, μόγις ἐβιάσθησαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀναχωροῦντες τὴν τάξιν οὐ διέλυον,1 τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον πολλῶν ἀναιρουμένων, τοῦ δὲ παραγγέλλοντος ἡγεμόνος τετελευτηκότος, ἐγένετο παντελὴς 3τροπὴ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἐπικείμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ἐναντίων κατακόψαντες ἀπηνέγκαντο νίκην ἐπιφανεστάτην. συμβαλόντες γὰρ τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων, καὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις τῶν πολλαπλασίων παραδόξως περιγενόμενοι, μεγάλην δόξαν

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as King Cleombrotus of the Lacedaemonians was alive 371/0 b.c. and had with him many comrades-in-arms who were quite ready to die in his defence, it was uncertain which way the scales of victory inclined; but when, though he shrank from no danger, he proved unable to bear down his opponents, and perished in an heroic resistance after sustaining many wounds, then, as masses of men thronged about his body, there was piled up a great mound of corpses.

56. There being no one in command of the wing, the heavy column led by Epameinondas bore down upon the Lacedaemonians, and at first by sheer force caused the line of the enemy to buckle somewhat; then, however, the Lacedaemonians, fighting gallantly about their king, got possession of his body, but were not strong enough to achieve victory. For as the corps of elite outdid them in feats of courage, and the valour and exhortations of Epameinondas contributed greatly to its prowess, the Lacedaemonians were with great difficulty forced back; at first, as they gave ground they would not break their formation, but finally, as many fell and the commander who would have rallied them had died, the army turned and fled in utter rout. Epameinondas’ corps pursued the fugitives,1 slew many who opposed them, and won for themselves a most glorious victory. For since they had met the bravest of the Greeks and with a small force had miraculously overcome many times their

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ἐπ᾿ ἀνδρείᾳ κατεκτήσαντο.1 μεγίστων δ᾿ ἐπαίνων ὁ στρατηγὸς Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἠξιώθη, διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀνδρείας μάλιστα καὶ στρατηγικῆς συνέσεως τοὺς ἀνικήτους ἡγεμόνας τῆς Ἑλλάδος κατηγωνισμένος. 4ἔπεσον δ᾿ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν τετρακισχιλίων, τῶν δὲ Βοιωτῶν περὶ τριακοσίους. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περί τε τῆς τῶν νεκρῶν ἀναιρέσεως καὶ τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἀπαλλαγῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων σπονδὰς ἐποιήσαντο.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην συμβάντα τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τέλος.

57. Τοῦ δ᾿ ἐνιαυσίου χρόνου διεληλυθότος Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦρχε Δυσνίκητος,2 ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλίαρχοι κατεστάθησαν τέτταρες, Κόιντος Σερουίλιος καὶ Λεύκιος Φούριος, ἔτι δὲ Γάιος Λικίνιος καὶ Πόπλιος Κοίλιος.3 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Θηβαῖοι μεγάλῃ δυνάμει στρατεύσαντες ἐπ᾿ Ὀρχομενὸν ἐπεβάλοντο μὲν ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι τὴν πόλιν, Ἐπαμεινώνδου δὲ συμβουλεύσαντος ὅτι τὰ διὰ τῆς ἀνδρείας κατεργασθέντα τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ δεῖ4 διαφυλάττειν τοὺς τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας ὀρεγομένους, μετέγνωσαν. διόπερ τοὺς μὲν Ὀρχομενίους εἰς τὴν τῶν συμμάχων χώραν κατέταξαν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Φωκεῖς καὶ Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Λοκροὺς φίλους ποιησάμενοι τὴν εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐπάνοδον ἐποιήσαντο. 2Ἰάσων δὲ ὁ Φερῶν τύραννος ἀεὶ μᾶλλον αὐξόμενος ἐστράτευσεν εἰς τὴν Λοκρίδα, καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἡράκλειαν τὴν ἐν Τραχινίᾳ διὰ προδοσίας ἑλὼν ἀνάστατον

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number, they won a great reputation for valour. The 371/0 b.c. highest praises were accorded the general Epameinondas, who chiefly by his own courage and by his shrewdness as a commander had defeated in battle the invincible leaders of Greece. More than four thousand1 Lacedaemonians fell in the battle but only about three hundred Boeotians. Following the battle they made a truce to allow for taking up the bodies of the dead and the departure of the Lacedaemonians to the Peloponnese.

Such was the outcome of events relating to the battle of Leuctra,

57. When the year had ended, at Athens Dysnicetus 370/69 b.c. was archon, and in Rome military tribunes with consular power were elected, four in number: Quintus Servilius, Lucius Furius, Gaius Licinius, and Publius Coelius. During their term of office the Thebans, taking the field with a large army against Orchomenus, aimed to reduce the city to slavery, but when Epameinondas advised them that any who aimed at supremacy over the Greeks ought to safeguard by their generous treatment what they had achieved by their valour, they changed their mind. Accordingly they reckoned the people of Orchomenus as belonging to the territory of their allies, and later, having made friends of the Phocians, Aetolians, and Locrians, returned to Boeotia again.2 Jason,3 tyrant of Pherae, whose power was constantly increasing, invaded Locris, first took Heracleia in Trachinia by

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ἐποίησε, καὶ τὴν χώραν Οἰταίοις καὶ Μηλιεῦσιν ἐδωρήσατο· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τὴν Περραιβίαν ἀναζεύξας1 τῶν πόλεων τὰς μὲν λόγοις φιλανθρώποις προσηγάγετο, τὰς δὲ διὰ τῆς βίας ἐχειρώσατο. ταχὺ δὲ τῆς δυναστείας αὐτοῦ στερεουμένης, οἱ τὴν Θετταλίαν οἰκοῦντες ὑφεωρῶντο τὴν αὔξησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πλεονεξίαν.

3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν Ἀργείων ἐγένετο στάσις καὶ φόνος τοσοῦτος ὅσος παρ᾿ ἑτέροις τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐδέποτε γεγονέναι μνημονεύεται. ἐκλήθη δὲ ὁ νεωτερισμὸς οὗτος παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι σκυταλισμός, διὰ τὸν τρόπον τοῦ θανάτου ταύτης τυχὼν τῆς προσηγορίας.

58. Ἡ δ᾿ οὖν2 στάσις ἐγένετο διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. τῆς πόλεως τῶν Ἀργείων δημοκρατουμένης καί τινων δημαγωγῶν παροξυνόντων τὸ πλῆθος κατὰ τῶν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις καὶ δόξαις ὑπερεχόντων, οἱ διαβαλλόμενοι συστάντες ἔγνωσαν καταλῦσαι 2τὸν δῆμον. βασανισθέντων δέ τινων ἐκ τῶν συνεργεῖν δοκούντων, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι φοβηθέντες τὴν ἐκ τῶν βασάνων τιμωρίαν ἑαυτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν μετέστησαν, ἑνὸς δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς βασάνοις ὁμολογήσαντος καὶ πίστιν λαβόντος, ὁ μὲν μηνυτὴς τριάκοντα τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων κατηγόρησεν, ὁ δὲ δῆμος οὐκ ἐλέγξας ἀκριβῶς ἅπαντας τοὺς διαβληθέντας ἀπέκτεινε 3καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἐδήμευσεν. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ἄλλων ἐν ὑποψίαις ὄντων, καὶ τῶν δημαγωγῶν ψευδέσι διαβολαῖς συνηγορούντων, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξηγριώθη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε πάντων τῶν

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treachery, laid it waste, and gave the country to the 370/69 b.c. Oetaeans and Malians; then later, moving into Perrhaebia, he won over some of the cities by generous promises, and subdued others by force. As his position of influence speedily became established, the inhabitants of Thessaly looked with suspicion on his aggrandizement and encroachments.

While these things were going on, in the city of Argos civil strife broke out accompanied by slaughter of a greater number than is recorded ever to have occurred anywhere else in Greece. Among the Greeks this revolutionary movement was called “Club-law,” receiving this appellation on account of the manner of the execution.

58. Now the strife arose from the following causes: the city of Argos1 had a democratic form of government, and certain demagogues instigated the populace against the outstanding citizens of property and reputation. The victims of the hostile charges then got together and decided to overthrow the democracy. When some of those who were thought to be implicated were subjected to torture, all but one, fearing the agony of torture, committed suicide, but this one came to terms under torture, received a pledge of immunity, and as informer denounced thirty of the most distinguished citizens, and the democracy without a thorough investigation put to death all those who were accused and confiscated their property. But many others were under suspicion, and as the demagogues supported false accusations, the mob was wrought up to such a pitch of savagery that they condemned to

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κατηγορουμένων, ὄντων πολλῶν καὶ1 μεγαλοπλούτων, καταγνῶναι θάνατον. ἀναιρεθέντων δὲ τῶν δυνατῶν ἀνδρῶν πλειόνων ἢ χιλίων καὶ διακοσίων,2 καὶ τῶν δημαγωγῶν αὐτῶν ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἐφείσατο. 4διὰ γὰρ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς συμφορᾶς οἱ μὲν δημαγωγοὶ φοβηθέντες μή τι παράλογον αὐτοῖς ἀπαντήσῃ, τῆς κατηγορίας ἀπέστησαν, οἱ δ᾿ ὄχλοι δόξαντες ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐγκαταλελεῖφθαι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο παροξυνθέντες, ἅπαντας τοὺς δημαγωγοὺς ἀπέκτειναν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν, ὡσπερεί τινος νεμεσήσαντος δαιμονίου, τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τιμωρίας ἔτυχον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος παυσάμενος τῆς λύττης3 εἰς τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ἔννοιαν4 ἀποκατέστη.

59. Περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Λυκομήδης ὁ Τεγεάτης ἔπεισε τοὺς Ἀρκάδας εἰς μίαν συντέλειαν ταχθῆναι καὶ κοινὴν ἔχειν σύνοδον συνεστῶσαν ἐξ ἀνδρῶν μυρίων, καὶ τούτους ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν περὶ 2πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης βουλεύεσθαι. γενομένης δὲ στάσεως μεγάλης παρὰ τοῖς Ἀρκάσι, καὶ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων διακριθέντων τῶν διαφερομένων, πολλοὶ μὲν ἀνῃρέθησαν πλείους δὲ τῶν χιλίων καὶ τετρακοσίων ἔφυγον, οἱ μὲν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, οἱ δ᾿ εἰς τὸ5 3Παλλάντιον. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐκδοθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Παλλαντίων ὑπὸ τῶν νενικηκότων ἐσφαγιάσθησαν·

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death all the accused, who were many and wealthy. 370/69 b.c. When, however, more than twelve hundred influential men had been removed, the populace did not spare the demagogues themselves. For because of the magnitude of the calamity the demagogues were afraid that some unforeseen turn of fortune might overtake them and therefore desisted from their accusation, whereas the mob, now thinking that they had been left in the lurch by them, were angry at this and put to death all the demagogues. So these men received the punishment which fitted their crimes as if some divinity were visiting its just resentment upon them, and the people, eased of their mad rage, were restored to their senses.

59. About the same time, Lycomedes1 of Tegea prevailed upon the Arcadians to form a single confederacy2 with a common council to consist of ten thousand men empowered to decide issues of war and peace. But since civil war broke out in Arcadia on a large scale and the quarrelling factions came to a decision by force of arms, many were killed and more than fourteen hundred fled, some to Sparta, others to Pallantium.3 Now these latter refugees were surrendered by the Pallantians and slaughtered by the victorious party, whereas those who took refuge

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οἱ δ᾿ εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην φυγόντες ἔπεισαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους 4εἰς τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν στρατεῦσαι. διόπερ Ἀγησίλαος ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν φυγάδων ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Τεγεατῶν χώραν διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τούτους τῆς στάσεως καὶ τῆς φυγῆς αἰτίους γεγονέναι. πορθήσας δὲ τὴν χώραν καὶ τῇ πόλει προσβολὰς ποιησάμενος κατεπλήξατο τῶν Ἀρκάδων τοὺς ἐναντιοπραγοῦντας.

60. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ἰάσων ὁ Φερῶν τύραννος, συνέσει τε στρατηγικῇ διαφέρων καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν περιοίκων εἰς συμμαχίαν προηγμένος,1 ἔπεισε τοὺς Θετταλοὺς ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας· ταύτην γὰρ ὥσπερ ἔπαθλον ἀρετῆς προκεῖσθαι τοῖς δυναμένοις αὐτῆς 2ἀμφισβητῆσαι. Λακεδαιμονίους γὰρ συνέβαινε περὶ Λεῦκτρα μεγάλῃ συμφορᾷ περιπεπτωκέναι, Ἀθηναίους δὲ μόνον τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχῆς ἀντέχεσθαι, Θηβαίους δὲ τῶν πρωτείων ἀξίους μὴ εἶναι, Ἀργείους δὲ διὰ στάσεις καὶ φόνους ἐμφυλίους τεταπεινῶσθαι. διόπερ οἱ Θετταλοὶ προστησάμενοι τῶν ὅλων ἡγεμόνα Ἰάσονα τούτῳ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν. ὁ δὲ Ἰάσων παραλαβὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῶν τε πλησίον ἐθνῶν τινα προσηγάγετο καὶ πρὸς Ἀμύνταν τὸν τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσατο.

3Ἴδιον δέ τι συνέβη κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν· τῶν γὰρ ἐν δυναστείαις ὄντων τρεῖς ἐτελεύτησαν περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρόν. Ἀμύντας μὲν ὁ Ἀρριδαίου2

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in Sparta prevailed upon the Lacedaemonians to invade 370/69 b.c. Arcadia.1 Accordingly King Agesilaüs with an army and the band of fugitives invaded the territory of the Tegeans, who were believed to have been the cause of the insurrection and the expulsions. By devastation of the countryside and assaults upon the city, he cowed the Arcadians of the opposing party.

60. While these things were going on, Jason,2 tyrant of Pherae, because of his superior shrewdness as a general and his success in attracting many of his neighbours into an alliance, prevailed upon the Thessalians to lay claim to the supremacy in Greece; for this was a sort of prize for valour open to those strong enough to contend for it. Now it happened that the Lacedaemonians had sustained a great disaster at Leuctra; that the Athenians laid claim to the mastery of the sea only; that the Thebans were unworthy of first rank; and that the Argives had been brought low by civil wars and internecine slaughter. So the Thessalians put Jason forward as leader3 of the whole country, and as such gave him supreme command in war. Jason accepted the command, won over some of the tribes near by, and entered into alliance with Amyntas king of the Macedonians.

A peculiar coincidence befell in this year, for three of those in positions of power died about the same time. Amyntas,4 son of Arrhidaeus, king of Macedonia,

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βασιλεύων τῆς Μακεδονίας ἐτελεύτησεν ἄρξας ἔτη εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα, υἱοὺς ἀπολιπὼν τρεῖς, Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Περδίκκαν καὶ Φίλιππον· διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ υἱὸς1 Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ ἦρξεν 4ἐνιαυτόν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ἀγησίπολις ὁ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεὺς μετήλλαξεν ἄρξας ἐνιαυτόν, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος Κλεομένης ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐβασίλευσεν 5ἔτη τριάκοντα καὶ τέτταρα.2 τρίτος δὲ Ἰάσων ὁ Φεραῖος ἡγεμὼν ᾑρημένος τῆς Θετταλίας καὶ δοκῶν ἐπιεικῶς ἄρχειν τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων, ἐδολοφονήθη, ὡς μὲν Ἔφορος γέγραφεν, ὑπό τινων ἑπτὰ νεανίσκων συνομοσαμένων δόξης ἕνεκα, ὡς δ᾿ ἔνιοι γράφουσιν, ὑπὸ Πολυδώρου τἀδελφοῦ. οὗτος3 δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς διαδεξάμενος τὴν δυναστείαν 6ἦρξεν ἐνιαυτόν. Δοῦρις δ᾿ ὁ Σάμιος ὁ ἱστοριογράφος τῆς τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱστορίας ἐντεῦθεν ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀρχήν.

Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπράχθη κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν.

61. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Λυσιστράτου παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐγένετο στάσις, τῶν μὲν οἰομένων δεῖν ὑπάτους, τῶν δὲ χιλιάρχους αἱρεῖσθαι. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τινα χρόνον ἀναρχία τὴν στάσιν ὑπέλαβε, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἔδοξε χιλιάρχους αἱρεῖσθαι ἕξ· καὶ κατεστάθησαν Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος καὶ Γάιος Οὐεργίνιος4 καὶ Σερούιος5 Σουλπίκιος, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Λεύκιος Κοΐντιος καὶ Γάιος Κορνήλιος, ἔτι δὲ 2Γάιος Οὐαλέριος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Πολύδωρος ὁ

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died after a rule of twenty-four years, leaving 370/69 b.c. behind him three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. The son Alexander1 succeeded to the throne and ruled for one year. Likewise Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, died after ruling a year, the kingship going to Cleomenes his brother who succeeded to the throne and had a reign of thirty-four years.2 Thirdly, Jason of Pherae, who had been chosen ruler of Thessaly and was reputed to be governing his subjects with moderation, was assassinated,3 either, as Ephorus writes, by seven young men who conspired together for the repute it would bring, or, as some historians say, by his brother Polydorus. This Polydorus himself also, after succeeding to the position of leader, ruled for one year. Duris4 of Samos, the historian, began his History of the Greeks at this point.

These then were the events of this year.

61. When Lysistratus was archon at Athens, civil 369/8 b.c. strife arose among the Romans, one party thinking there should be consuls, others that military tribunes should be chosen. For a time then anarchy supervened on civil strife, later they decided to choose six military tribunes, and those elected were Lucius Aemilius, Gaius Verginius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Quintius, Gaius Cornelius, and Gaius Valerius. During their term of office Polydorus of Pherae the ruler

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Φεραῖος ὁ τῶν Θετταλῶν ἄρξας ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦ1 ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ προκληθεὶς εἰς μέθην· τὴν δὲ δυναστείαν διαδεξάμενος Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς2 ἦρξεν ἔτη ἕνδεκα. οὗτος δὲ παρανόμως καὶ βιαίως κτησάμενος τὴν δυναστείαν, ἀκολούθως ταύτῃ τῇ προαιρέσει διῴκει τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχήν. τῶν γὰρ πρὸ αὐτοῦ δυναστῶν ἐπιεικῶς προσφερομένων τοῖς πλήθεσι καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾿ ἀγαπωμένων, οὗτος βιαίως καὶ χαλεπῶς ἄρχων ἐμισεῖτο. 3διὸ καὶ τὴν παρανομίαν φοβηθέντες τῶν Λαρισσαίων τινές, οἱ δι᾿ εὐγένειαν Ἀλευάδαι προσαγορευόμενοι, συνέθεντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους καταλῦσαι τὴν δυναστείαν. ἀπελθόντες δ᾿ ἐκ Λαρίσσης εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἔπεισαν Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν βασιλέα συγκαταλῦσαι 4τὸν τύραννον. τούτων δὲ περὶ ταῦτα διατριβόντων, ὁ Φεραῖος Ἀλέξανδρος πυθόμενος τὴν καθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ παρασκευήν, κατέλεγε τοὺς εἰς τὴν στρατείαν εὐθέτους, διανοούμενος ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὴν μάχην. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς, ἔχων μεθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἐκ Λαρίσσης φυγάδας, φθάσας τοὺς πολεμίους ἧκε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Λάρισσαν· παρεισαχθεὶς δ᾿ ὑπὸ τῶν Λαρισσαίων ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους ἐκράτησε τῆς 5πόλεως πλὴν τῆς ἄκρας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τήν τε ἄκραν ἐξεπολιόρκησε3 καὶ Κραννῶνα πόλιν προσαγαγόμενος ὡμολόγησε μὲν τοῖς Θετταλοῖς ἀποδώσειν τὰς πόλεις, καταφρονήσας δὲ τῆς δόξης, καὶ

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of Thessaly was poisoned by Alexander1 his nephew, 369/8 b.c. who had challenged him to a drinking bout, and the nephew Alexander succeeded to the rule as overlord and held it for eleven years. Having acquired the rule illegally and by force, he administered it consistently with the policy he had chosen to follow. For while the rulers before him had treated the peoples with moderation and were therefore loved, he was hated for his violent and severe rule.2 Accordingly, in fear of his lawlessness, some Larissaeans, called Aleuadae3 because of their noble descent, conspired together to overthrow the overlordship. Journeying from Larissa to Macedonia, they prevailed upon the King Alexander to join them in overthrowing the tyrant. But while they were occupied with these matters, Alexander of Pherae, learning of the preparations against him, gathered such men as were conveniently situated for the campaign, intending to give battle in Macedonia. But the Macedonian king, accompanied by refugees from Larissa, anticipated the enemy by invading Larissa with the army, and having been secretly admitted by the Larissaeans within the fortifications, he mastered the city with the exception of the citadel. Later he took the citadel by siege, and, having also won the city of Crannon, at first covenanted to restore the cities to the Thessalians, but then, in contempt of public

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φρουρὰς ἀξιολόγους εἰσαγαγών, αὐτὸς κατεῖχε τὰς πόλεις. ὁ δὲ Φεραῖος Ἀλέξανδρος καταδιωχθεὶς ἅμα καὶ καταπλαγεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὰς Φεράς.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Θετταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

62. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Πελοπόννησον Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν Πολύτροπον στρατηγὸν ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, ἔχοντα πολιτικοὺς μὲν ὁπλίτας χιλίους, φυγάδας δ᾿ Ἀργείων καὶ Βοιωτῶν πεντακοσίους. οὗτος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Ὀρχομενὸν τὸν Ἀρκαδικὸν παρεφύλαττε τὴν πόλιν ταύτην, οἰκείως διακειμένην 2πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας. Λυκομήδης δ᾿ ὁ Μαντινεύς, στρατηγὸς ὢν τῶν Ἀρκάδων, παραλαβὼν τοὺς καλουμένους ἐπιλέκτους, ὄντας πεντακισχιλίους, ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀρχομενόν. προαγαγόντων δὲ τὴν δύναμιν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐγένετο μάχη καρτερά, καθ᾿ ἣν ὅ τε στρατηγὸς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀνῃρέθη καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς διακοσίους, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ συνεδιώχθησαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. 3οἱ δὲ Ἀρκάδες, καίπερ νενικηκότες, ὅμως εὐλαβοῦντο τὸ βάρος τῆς Σπάρτης, καὶ καθ᾿ αὑτοὺς οὐχ ὑπέλαβον δυνήσεσθαι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις διαπολεμεῖν. διὸ καὶ παραλαβόντες Ἀργείους τε καὶ Ἠλείους, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἀξιοῦντες συμμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι κατὰ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, ὡς δ᾿ οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς προσεῖχε, διαπρεσβευσάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Θηβαίους ἔπεισαν αὐτοὺς συμμαχίαν συνθέσθαι κατὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

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opinion, he brought into them garrisons of considerable 369/8 b.c. strength and held the cities himself.1 Alexander of Pherae, hotly pursued and alarmed at the same time, returned to Pherae.

Such was the state of affairs in Thessaly,

62. In the Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians dispatched Polytropus as general to Arcadia with a thousand citizen hoplites and five hundred Argive and Boeotian refugees. He reached the Arcadian Orchomenus and guarded it closely since it was on friendly terms with Sparta.2 Lycomedes of Mantineia, general of the Arcadians, with five thousand men styled the elite,3 came to Orchomenus. As the Lacedaemonians led forth their army from the city a great battle ensued in which the Lacedaemonian general was killed4 and two hundred others, while the rest were driven into the city. The Arcadians, in spite of their victory, felt a prudent respect for the strength of Sparta and believed that they would not be able by themselves to cope with the Lacedaemonians. Accordingly, associating Argives and Eleians with themselves, they first sent envoys to Athens requesting them to join in an alliance against the Spartans, but as no one heeded them, they sent an embassy to the Thebans and persuaded them to join an alliance against the Lacedaemonians.5 Immediately, then,

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4εὐθὺς οὖν οἱ Βοιωτοὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἐξῆγον, προσλαβόμενοι συμμάχους Λοκρούς τε καὶ Φωκεῖς. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν προῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον, βοιωταρχούντων Ἐπαμεινώνδου καὶ Πελοπίδου· τούτοις γὰρ οἱ ἄλλοι βοιωτάρχαι παρεκεχωρήκεισαν ἑκουσίως τῆς στρατηγίας διά τε τὴν σύνεσιν καὶ 5τὴν ἀνδρείαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν. ὡς δὲ κατήντησαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, ἧκον πρὸς αὐτοὺς πανδημεὶ οἵ τε Ἀρκάδες καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι πάντες. ἀθροισθέντων δὲ πλειόνων ἢ πεντακισμυρίων,1 οἱ μὲν ἡγεμόνες αὐτῶν συνεδρεύσαντες ἔγνωσαν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν βαδίζειν τὴν Σπάρτην καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Λακωνικὴν πορθῆσαι.

63. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀποβεβληκότες τῶν νέων ἐν τῇ περὶ Λεῦκτρα συμφορᾷ, οὐκ ὀλίγους δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις ἥτταις ἀπολωλεκότες, καὶ τὸ σύνολον εἰς ὀλίγους πολιτικοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης συγκεκλεισμένοι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν συμμάχων τῶν μὲν ἀφεστηκότων, τῶν δὲ διὰ τὰς ὁμοίας αἰτίας ὀλιγανδρούντων, εἰς πολλὴν ἀμηχανίαν ἔπιπτον. διόπερ ἠναγκάζοντο καταφεύγειν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀθηναίων βοήθειαν, οἷς τριάκοντα μὲν τυράννους ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἐπέστησαν, τὰ δὲ τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἐκώλυσαν ἀνοικοδομεῖν,2 ἐπεβάλοντο δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἄρδην ἀναιροῦντες τὴν 2Ἀττικὴν ποιῆσαι μηλόβοτον. ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐδὲν ἰσχυρότερόν ἐστιν ἀνάγκης καὶ τύχης, δι᾿ ὧν ἐβιάσθησαν

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the Boeotians led out their army, taking some Locrians 369/8 b.c. and Phocians along as allies. Now these men advanced against the Peloponnese under the boeotarchs Epameinondas and Pelopidas, for the other boeotarchs had willingly relinquished the command to these in recognition of their shrewdness in the art of war and their courage. When they reached Arcadia, the Arcadians, Eleians, Argives,and all the other allies joined them in full force. And when more than fifty thousand had gathered, their leaders sitting in council decided to march upon Sparta itself and lay waste all Laconia.

63. As for the Lacedaemonians, since they had cast away many of their young men in the disaster at Leuctra and in their other defeats had lost not a few, and were, taking all together, restricted by the blows of fortune to but few citizen soldiers, and, furthermore, since some of their allies had seceded and others were experiencing a shortage of men for reasons similar to their own, they sank into a state of great weakness. Hence they were compelled to have recourse to the aid of the Athenians, the very people over whom they had once set up thirty tyrants,1 whom they had forbidden to rebuild the walls of their city, whose city they had aimed utterly to destroy, and whose territory, Attica, they wished to turn into a sheep-walk. Yet, after all, nothing is stronger than necessity and fate, which compelled the Lacedaemonians to

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οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῶν πολεμιωτάτων δεηθῆναι. ὅμως δ᾿ οὐ διεσφάλησαν τῶν ἐλπίδων. ὁ γὰρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος, μεγαλόψυχος ὢν καὶ φιλάνθρωπος, τὴν μὲν τῶν Θηβαίων ἰσχὺν οὐ κατεπλάγησαν, τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις ὑπὲρ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ κινδυνεύουσιν ἐψηφίσαντο βοηθεῖν πανδημεί. καὶ παραχρῆμα στρατηγὸν καταστήσαντες τὸν Ἰφικράτην ἐξέπεμψαν καὶ τοὺς νέους αὐθημερόν, ὄντας μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους. Ἰφικράτης μὲν οὖν, προθύμους ἔχων τοὺς στρατιώτας, προῆγε μετὰ τῆς 3δυνάμεως κατὰ σπουδήν. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, τῶν πολεμίων ἐπὶ1 τοὺς ὅρους τῆς Λακωνικῆς καταστρατοπεδευόντων, καὶ αὐτοὶ πανδημεὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης ἔξοδον ποιησάμενοι προῆγον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους, ταῖς μὲν τῶν στρατιωτῶν δυνάμεσι τεταπεινωμένοι, ταῖς δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀρεταῖς τεθαρρηκότες. 4οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ὁρῶντες τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χώραν δυσείσβολον οὖσαν, τὸ μὲν ἀθρόᾳ τηλικαύτῃ δυνάμει ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐμβολὴν οὐχ ἡγοῦντο συμφέρειν, εἰς τέτταρα δὲ μέρη διελόμενοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κατὰ πλείονας τόπους ἔκριναν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔφοδον.

64. Ἡ μὲν οὖν πρώτη μερὶς ἡ2 τῶν Βοιωτῶν μέσην3 τὴν πορείαν ἐποιήσατο ἐπὶ τὴν Σελλασίαν4 καλουμένην πόλιν, καὶ τοὺς τῇδε κατοικοῦντας 2ἀπέστησε τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων. Ἀργεῖοι δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὅρους τῆς Τεγεάτιδος χώρας ἐμβαλόντες συνῆψαν μάχην τοῖς φρουροῦσι τὰς παρόδους, καὶ τόν

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request the aid of their bitterest enemies. Nevertheless 369/8 b.c. they were not disappointed of their hopes. For the Athenian people, magnanimous and generous, were not terrified by the power of Thebes, and voted to aid with all their forces the Lacedaemonians now that they were in danger of enslavement. Immediately they appointed Iphicrates general and dispatched him with twelve thousand young men the self-same day.1 Iphicrates, then, whose men were in high spirits, advanced with the army at top speed. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, as the enemy took up quarters on the borders of Laconia, issued in full force from Sparta and marched on to meet them, weakened in military force but strong in inward courage. Now Epameinondas and the others, perceiving that the country of the Lacedaemonians was difficult to invade, thought it not to their advantage to make the invasion with such a large force in a body, and so decided to divide their army into four columns and enter at several points.2

64. Now the first contingent, composed of the Boeotians, took the middle route to the city known as Sellasia3 and. caused its inhabitants to revolt from the Lacedaemonians. The Argives, entering by the borders of Tegeatis,4 engaged in battle the garrison

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τε ἡγεμόνα τῆς φρουρᾶς Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Σπαρτιάτην ἀνεῖλον καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς διακοσίους ἀπέκτειναν, ἐν οἷς ὑπῆρχον καὶ οἱ τῶν Βοιωτῶν 3φυγάδες. ἡ δὲ τρίτη μερίς, ἐκ τῶν Ἀρκάδων συνεστηκυῖα καὶ στρατιώτας ἔχουσα πλείστους, εἰσέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Σκιρῖτιν καλουμένην χώραν, ἣν παρεφύλαττεν Ἰσχόλας, ἀνὴρ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ συνέσει διαφέρων, μετὰ πολλῶν στρατιωτῶν. οὗτος δὲ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων στρατιωτῶν ἐπετελέσατο πρᾶξιν 4ἡρωικὴν καὶ μνήμης ἀξίαν. ὁρῶν γὰρ ὅτι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων πάντες οἱ συνάψαντες μάχην ἀναιρεθήσονται, τὸ μὲν λιπεῖν τὴν ἐν ταῖς παρόδοις τάξιν ἀνάξιον τῆς Σπάρτης ἔκρινε, τὸ δὲ διασῶσαι τοὺς στρατιώτας χρήσιμον ἔσεσθαι τῇ πατρίδι· διὸ1 παραδόξως ἀμφοτέρων προενοήθη, καὶ τὴν γενομένην ποτὲ περὶ Θερμοπύλας ἀνδρείαν τοῦ 5βασιλέως Λεωνίδου φιλοτίμως ἐμιμήσατο. διαλέξας γὰρ τοὺς νέους, τούτους μὲν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην χρησίμους ἐσομένους2 τῇ κινδυνευούσῃ περὶ τῶν ὅλων· αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων φυλάττων τὴν τάξιν καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνελὼν τῶν πολεμίων, κυκλωθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀρκάδων μετὰ 6πάντων ἀνῃρέθη. Ἠλεῖοι δὲ τὴν τετάρτην μοῖραν ἔχοντες, καὶ κατ᾿ ἄλλους τόπους πεπταμένους διελθόντες, εἰς τὴν Σελλασίαν παρεγένοντο· εἰς τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν τόπον πᾶσι καταντᾶν παρήγγελτο. ἀθροισθείσης δὲ ἁπάσης τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Σελλασίαν, προῆγον ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν τὴν Σπάρτην πορθοῦντες ἅμα καὶ πυρπολοῦντες τὴν χώραν.

65. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πεντακόσια ἔτη τὴν Λακωνικὴν τετηρηκότες ἀπόρθητον, τότε θεωροῦντες

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set to guard the pass, slew its leader Alexander the 369/8 b.c. Spartan and about two hundred of the rest, amongst whom were the Boeotian refugees. The third contingent, composed of the Arcadians and containing the largest number, invaded the district called Sciritis,1 which had a large garrison under Ischolas, a man of conspicuous valour and shrewdness. Himself one of the most distinguished soldiers, he accomplished an heroic and memorable deed. For, seeing that, because of the overwhelming number of the enemy, all who joined battle with them would be killed, he decided that while it was not in keeping with Spartan dignity to abandon his post in the pass, yet it would be useful to his country to preserve the men. He therefore in an amazing manner provided for both objects and emulated the courageous exploit of King Leonidas at Thermopylae.2 For he picked out the young men and sent them back to Sparta to be of service to her in her hour of deadly peril. He himself, keeping his post with the older men, slew many of the enemy, but finally, encircled by the Arcadians, perished with all his corps. The Eleians, who formed the fourth contingent, marching by other unguarded regions, reached Sellasia, for this was the locality designated to all as the rendezvous. When all the army had gathered in Sellasia, they advanced upon Sparta itself, sacking and burning the countryside.

65. Now the Lacedaemonians, who for five hundred years had preserved Laconia undevastated, could not

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δῃουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἐκαρτέρουν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς θυμοῖς προπίπτοντες1 ἐξεπήδων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως· κωλυόμενοι δ᾿ ὑπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων προϊέναι μακρότερον ἀπὸ τῆς πατρίδος, μή τις ἐπίθηται, ἐπείσθησαν τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ τῇ 2πόλει παρέχεσθαι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν διὰ τοῦ Ταϋγέτου καταβαινόντων ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐρώταν, καὶ διαβαινόντων τὸν ποταμὸν σφοδρὸν ὄντα τῷ ῥεύματι κατὰ τὴν χειμερινὴν ὥραν, ὁρῶντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τεταραγμένην τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ἐναντίων διὰ τὴν χαλεπότητα τῆς διαβάσεως, καιρὸν ἔλαβον εὔθετον πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν, καὶ τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς γεγηρακότας, ἀπέλιπον ἐν τῇ πόλει φυλάττοντας τὴν Σπάρτην, αὐτοὶ δὲ πανδημεὶ συντάξαντες τοὺς νέους ἐξεχύθησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ προσπεσόντες ἄφνω τοῖς διαβαίνουσι πολὺν 3ἐποιοῦντο2 φόνον. ἀμυνομένων δὲ τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ τῶν Ἀρκάδων, καὶ τῷ πλήθει κυκλούντων τοὺς ἐναντίους, οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται πολλοὺς ἀνῃρηκότες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, φανερῶς ἐνδεδειγμένοι 4τὰς ἰδίας ἀνδραγαθίας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει καταπληκτικῶς προσβαλλόντων3 τῇ πόλει, οἱ μὲν Σπαρτιᾶται συνεργὸν ἔχοντες τὴν τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότητα, πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῶν προπετῶς βιαζομένων, τέλος δ᾿ οἱ πολιορκοῦντες πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενοι σπουδὴν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπείκαζον βίᾳ χειρώσασθαι4 τὴν Σπάρτην· ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν βιαζομένων οἱ μὲν ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δ᾿ ἐτραυματίζοντο, ἀνεκαλέσαντο τῇ σάλπιγγι τοὺς στρατιώτας οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν,

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then bear to see it being sacked by the enemy, but 369/8 b.c. hot-headedly were ready to rush forth from the city; but being restrained by the elders from advancing too far from their native land, lest some one attack it, they were finally prevailed upon to wait quietly and keep the city safe. Now Epameinondas descended through the Taygetus1 into the Eurotas valley and was engaged in crossing the river, whose current was swift since it was the winter season, when the Lacedaemonians, seeing their opponents’ army thrown into confusion by the difficulty of the crossing, seized the opportunity favourable for attack. Leaving the women, children, and the old men as well in the city to guard Sparta, they marshalled in full force the men of military age, streamed forth against the enemy, fell upon them suddenly as they crossed, and wrought heavy slaughter. But as the Boeotians and Arcadians fought back and began to encircle the enemy with their superior numbers, the Spartans, having slain many, withdrew to the city, for they had clearly displayed their own courage. Following this, as Epameinondas in full force made a formidable assault on the city, the Spartans with the aid of their strong natural defences slew many of those who pressed rashly forward, but finally the besiegers applied great pressure and thought at first they had overcome Sparta by force; but as those who tried to force their way were some slain, some wounded, Epameinondas recalled the soldiers with the trumpet, but the men of their

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αὐτοὶ δὲ προσελθόντες τῇ πόλει προεκαλοῦντο τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας εἰς παράταξιν, ἢ ξυνομολογεῖσθαι προσέταττον ἥττους εἶναι τῶν 5πολεμίων. ἀποκριναμένων δὲ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, ὅτι καιρὸν λαβόντες εὔθετον διαγωνιοῦνται περὶ τῶν ὅλων, ἀπηλλάγησαν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως. πᾶσαν δὲ τὴν Λακωνικὴν δῃώσαντες, καὶ λαφύρων ἀναρίθμητον πλῆθος ἀθροίσαντες, ἀπεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν.

6Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι μέν, ὑστερηκότες τῶν καιρῶν, ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν οὐδὲν πράξαντες μνήμης ἄξιον, τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἧκον βοηθήσοντες στρατιῶται τετρακισχίλιοι. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις προσθέντες τοὺς Εἵλωτας ἠλευθερωμένους προσφάτως χιλίους καὶ τῶν Βοιωτῶν φυγάδων διακοσίους, ἔτι δ᾿ ἐκ1 τῶν σύνεγγυς πόλεων οὐκ ὀλίγους μεταπεμψάμενοι, κατεσκεύαζον δύναμιν ἀντίπαλον τοῖς πολεμίοις. ταύτην δ᾿ ἀθρόαν συνέχοντες καὶ γυμνάζοντες αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἐθάρρουν καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀγῶνα.

66. Ἐπαμεινώνδας δὲ φύσει μεγαλεπίβολος ὢν καὶ δόξης ὀρεγόμενος αἰωνίου, συνεβούλευε τοῖς τε Ἀρκάσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συμμάχοις οἰκίσαι τὴν Μεσσήνην, πολλὰ μὲν ἔτη γεγενημένην ἀνάστατον ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων, τόπον δ᾿ εὔθετον ἔχουσαν κατὰ τῆς Σπάρτης. συγκατατιθεμένων δὲ πάντων ἀνεζήτησε τοὺς ἀπολελειμμένους2 τῶν Μεσσηνίων, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς βουλομένους καταλέξας εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ἀνέκτισε3 τὴν Μεσσήνην, πολλοὺς ποιήσας αὐτῆς οἰκήτορας. τούτοις δὲ κατακληρουχήσας

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own accord would approach the city, and would challenge 369/8 b.c. the Spartans to a pitched battle, bidding them otherwise admit their inferiority to the enemy. When the Spartans replied to the effect that when they found a suitable occasion they would stake everything on one battle, they departed from the city. And when they had devastated all Laconia and amassed countless spoils, they withdrew to Arcadia.

Thereupon the Athenians,1 who had arrived on the scene too late for action, returned to Attica without accomplishing anything of note; but others of their allies, to the number of four thousand men, came to reinforce the Lacedaemonians. Besides these they attached to their numbers the Helots who had been newly emancipated, a thousand, and two hundred of the Boeotian fugitives, and summoned no small number from the neighbouring cities, so that they created an army comparable to that of the enemy. As they maintained these in one body and trained them, they gained more and more confidence and made themselves ready for the decisive contest.

66. Now Epameinondas, whose nature it was to aim at great enterprises and to crave everlasting fame, counselled the Arcadians and his other allies to resettle Messenê, which for many years had remained stripped of its inhabitants by the Lacedaemonians, for it occupied a position well suited for operations against Sparta. When they all concurred, he sought out the remnants of the Messenians, and registering as citizens any others who so wished he founded Messenê again, making it a populous city. Among them

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τὴν χώραν καὶ1 ἀνοικοδομήσας2 ἀνέσωσε πόλιν ἐπίσημον Ἑλληνίδα καὶ μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἔτυχε παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις.

2Οὐκ ἀνοίκειον δ᾿ εἶναι νομίζω, πολλάκις τῆς Μεσσήνης ἁλούσης καὶ κατασκαφείσης, τὰ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίοις παραδραμεῖν. τὸ μὲν οὖν παλαιὸν οἱ ἀπὸ Νηλέως καὶ Νέστορος κατέσχον αὐτὴν μέχρι τῶν Τρωικῶν χρόνων, μετὰ δὲ ταῦθ᾿ ὁ3 Ἀγαμέμνονος Ὀρέστης καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τούτου μέχρι τῆς καθόδου τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης Κρεσφόντης ἔλαχε τὴν Μεσσηνίαν μερίδα, καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τούτου μέχρι τινὸς ἐβασίλευσαν αὐτῆς· ὕστερον δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ Κρεσφόντου τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποβαλόντων Λακεδαιμόνιοι κύριοι κατέστησαν 3αὐτῆς. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Τηλέκλου τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποθανόντος ἐν ἀγῶνι κατεπολεμήθησαν ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ Μεσσήνιοι. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν πόλεμον εἰκοσαετῆ φασι γενέσθαι, κατομοσαμένων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων μὴ ἀνακάμψειν4 εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, ἐὰν μὴ Μεσσήνην ἕλωσιν. τότε δὲ5 συνέβη τοὺς παρθενίας ὀνομασθέντας γεννηθῆναι καὶ κτίσαι τὴν τῶν Ταραντίνων πόλιν.

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he divided the land, and reconstructing its buildings 369/8 b.c. restored a notable Greek city and gained the widespread approbation of all men.1

Here I think it not unsuitable, since Messenê has so often been captured and razed, to recapitulate its history2 from the beginning. In ancient times the line of Neleus and Nestor3 held it down to Trojan times; then Orestes, Agamemnon’s son, and his descendants down to the return of the Heracleidae4; following which Cresphontes5 received Messene as his portion and his line ruled it for a time; but later when Cresphontes’ descendants had lost the kingship, the Lacedaemonians became masters of it. After this, at the death of the Lacedaemonian king Teleclus,6 the Messenians were defeated in a war by the Lacedaemonians. This war is said to have lasted twenty years, for the Lacedaemonians had taken an oath not to return to Sparta unless they should have captured Messene. Then it was that the children called partheniae7 were born and founded the city of Tarentum.

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ὕστερον δὲ δουλευόντων Μεσσηνίων τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, Ἀριστομένης ἔπεισε τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἀποστῆναι τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, καὶ πολλὰ κακὰ διειργάσατο τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ὅτε καὶ Τυρταῖος ὁ ποιητὴς ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἡγεμὼν ἐδόθη τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις. 4ἔνιοι δὲ τὸν Ἀριστομένη γεγονέναι φασὶ κατὰ τὸν εἰκοσαετῆ πόλεμον. ὁ δ᾿ ὕστατος ἐγένετο πόλεμος αὐτοῖς σεισμοῦ μεγάλου γενομένου· καὶ τῆς μὲν Σπάρτης ὅλης σχεδὸν συγχυθείσης ἀνδρῶν δ᾿ ἐρήμου γενομένης, οἱ Μεσσηνίων περιλειφθέντες ᾤκισαν τὴν Ἰθώμην μετὰ τῶν συναποστάντων1 Εἱλώτων, ἀναστάτου γεγενημένης τῆς Μεσσήνης 5πολλοὺς χρόνους. ἀτυχήσαντες δ᾿ ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς πολέμοις, τὸ τελευταῖον ἀνάστατοι γενόμενοι κατῴκησαν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ, δόντων αὐτοῖς Ἀθηναίων οἰκητήριον τήνδε τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν εἰς Κεφαλληνίαν ἐξέπεσον, τινὲς δ᾿ ἐν Σικελίᾳ Μεσσήνην τὴν ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνων ὀνομασθεῖσαν κατῴκησαν. 6τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον κατὰ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς Θηβαῖοι, πείσαντος αὐτοὺς Ἐπαμεινώνδου καὶ πανταχόθεν συναγαγόντος τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ᾤκισαν τὴν Μεσσήνην καὶ τὴν ἀρχαίαν αὐτοῖς χώραν ἀποκατέστησαν.

Περὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν Μεσσήνην τοσαύτας καὶ τηλικαύτας συνέβη γενέσθαι μεταβολάς.

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Later, however, while the Messenians were in slavery 369/8 b.c. to the Lacedaemonians, Aristomenes1 persuaded the Messenians to revolt from the Spartans, and he inflicted many defeats upon the Spartans at the time when the poet Tyrtaeus2 was given by the Athenians as a leader to Sparta. Some say that Aristomenes lived during the twenty-year war. The last war3 between them was on the occasion of a great earthquake; practically all Sparta was destroyed and left bare of men, and the remnants of the Messenians settled Ithomê with the aid of the Helots who joined the revolt, after Messenê had for a long time been desolate. But when they were unsuccessful in all their wars and were finally driven from their homes, they settled in Naupactus,4 a city which the Athenians had given them for an abode. Furthermore some of their number were exiled to Cephallenia, while others settled in Messana5 in Sicily, which was named after them. Finally at the time under discussion the Thebans, at the instigation of Epameinondas, who gathered together the Messenians from all quarters, settled Messene and restored their ancient land to them.

Such then were the many important vicissitudes of Messenian history.

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67. Οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι πάντα τὰ προειρημένα συντελέσαντες ἐν ἡμέραις ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ πέντε, καὶ καταλιπόντες φυλακὴν ἀξιόλογον τῆς Μεσσήνης, ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ παραδόξως ἀποτετριμμένοι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀπέστειλαν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, καὶ τὰς μὲν ὁμολογίας ἐποιήσαντο περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, ὥστε τῆς μὲν θαλάττης ἄρχειν Ἀθηναίους, τῆς δὲ γῆς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς 2πόλεσιν1 ἐποιήσαντο κοινὰς τὰς ἡγεμονίας. Ἀρκάδες δὲ Λυκομήδην στρατηγὸν προχειρισάμενοι, καὶ παραδόντες αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους ὀνομαζομένους, ὄντας πεντακισχιλίους, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ Πελλήνην2 τῆς Λακωνικῆς, καὶ τὴν μὲν3 πόλιν βίᾳ χειρωσάμενοι τοὺς ἐγκαταλειφθέντας4 φρουροὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπέκτειναν, ὄντας. πλείους τῶν τριακοσίων, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐξανδραποδισάμενοι καὶ τὴν χώραν δῃώσαντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, φθάσαντες τὴν παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων βοήθειαν. 3Βοιωτοὶ δέ, μεταπεμπομένων αὐτοὺς Θετταλῶν ἐπ᾿ ἐλευθερώσει μὲν τῶν πόλεων καταλύσει δὲ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φεραίου τυραννίδος, ἐξαπέστειλαν Πελοπίδαν μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς Θετταλίαν, δόντες ἐντολὰς αὐτῷ εἰς τὸ συμφέρον τῶν Βοιωτῶν διοικῆσαι 4τὰ κατὰ τὴν Θετταλίαν. οὗτος5 δὲ καταντήσας εἰς Λάρισσαν, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν

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67. The Thebans, having accomplished in eighty-five 369/8 b.c. days1 all that is narrated above, and having left a considerable garrison for Messenê, returned to their own land; The Lacedaemonians, who had unexpectedly got rid of their enemies, sent to Athens a commission of the most distinguished Spartans, and came to an agreement over the supremacy: the Athenians should be masters of the sea, the Lacedaemonians of the land; but after this in both cities they set up a joint command.2 The Arcadians now appointed Lycomedes their general, gave him the corps they called their élite,3 five thousand in number, and took the field against Pellenê4 in Laconia. Having taken the city by force, they slew the Lacedaemonians who had been left behind there as a garrison, over three hundred men, enslaved the city, devastated the countryside, and returned home before assistance came from the Lacedaemonians. The Boeotians, summoned by the Thessalians to liberate their cities and to overthrow the tyranny of Alexander of Pherae, dispatched Pelopidas with an army to Thessaly,5 after giving him instructions to arrange Thessalian affairs in the interests of the Boeotians. Having arrived in Larissa and found the acropolis garrisoned by Alexander

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φρουρουμένην ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος, ταύτην μὲν παρέλαβεν, εἰς δὲ τὴν Μακεδονίαν παρελθὼν καὶ συμμαχίαν ποιησάμενος πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα, ὅμηρον ἔλαβε παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Φίλιππον, ὃν ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὰς Θήβας. τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Θετταλίαν διοικησάμενος ὥς ποτ᾿ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ συμφέρειν τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς, ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

68. Τούτων δὲ πραχθέντων Ἀρκάδες καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Ἠλεῖοι συμφρονήσαντες ἔγνωσαν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς ἔπεισαν αὐτοὺς κοινωνεῖν τοῦ πολέμου· οἱ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδαν καταστήσαντες ἡγεμόνα μετ᾿ ἄλλων βοιωταρχῶν, ἐξέπεμψαν στρατιώτας πεζοὺς μὲν ἑπτακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δ᾿ ἑξακοσίους. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πυθόμενοι τὴν Βοιωτῶν στρατιὰν παριοῦσαν εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ἐξέπεμψαν δύναμιν 2καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς Χαβρίαν. οὗτος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Κόρινθον, καὶ προσλαβόμενος καὶ παρὰ Μεγαρέων καὶ Πελληνέων, ἔτι δὲ Κορινθίων στρατιώτας, στρατόπεδον συνεστήσατο ἀνδρῶν μυρίων· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων παραγενομένων εἰς Κόρινθον συνήχθησαν 3οἱ σύμπαντες οὐκ ἐλάττους δισμυρίων. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ὀχυρώσασθαι τὰς παρόδους καὶ διακωλύειν τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον εἰσβολῆς. ἀρξάμενοι δ᾿ ἀπὸ Κεγχρεῶν μέχρι Λεχαίου σταυρώμασι σ

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of Macedon,1 he obtained its surrender. 369/8 b.c. Then proceeding into Macedon, where he made an alliance with Alexander the Macedonian king, he took from him as a hostage his brother Philip, whom he sent to Thebes.2 When he had settled Thessalian affairs as he thought fit in the interest of the Boeotians, he returned home.

68. After these events, Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians, making common cause, decided to take the field against the Lacedaemonians, and having sent a commission to the Boeotians prevailed on them to join in the war. They appointed Epameinondas commander3 along with other boeotarchs and dispatched seven thousand foot and six hundred horse. The Athenians, hearing that the Boeotian army was about to pass into the Peloponnese, dispatched an army and Chabrias as general against them. He arrived in Corinth, added to his number Megarians,4 Pellenians,5 and also Corinthians, and so gathered a force of ten thousand men. Later, when the Lacedaemonians and other allies arrived at Corinth, there were assembled no less than twenty thousand men all told. They decided to fortify the approaches and prevent the Boeotians from invading the Peloponnese. From Cenchreae6 to Lechaeum they fenced off the area

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καὶ βαθείαις τάφροις διελάμβανον τὸν τόπον· ταχὺ δὲ τῶν ἔργων συντελουμένων διά τε τὴν πολυχειρίαν καὶ τὰς προθυμίας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἔφθασαν τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς πάντα1 τόπον ὀχυρώσαντες. 4ὁ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἥκων μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπεσκέψατο, καὶ κατανοήσας εὐεφοδώτατον εἶναι τόπον καθ᾿ ὃν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρεφύλαττον, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον προεκαλεῖτο τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς παράταξιν, σχεδὸν τριπλασίους ὄντας τοῖς πλήθεσιν, οὐδενὸς δὲ τολμῶντος ἐκτὸς τοῦ τειχίσματος προελθεῖν,2 ἀλλ᾿ ἀπὸ τοῦ χαρακώματος ἀμυνομένων 5ἁπάντων, προσῆγε τὴν βίαν τοῖς πολεμίοις. κατὰ πάντα μὲν οὖν τὸν τόπον ἐγίνοντο προσβολαὶ καρτεραί, μάλιστα δὲ κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίους, εὐεφόδων ὄντων καὶ δυσφυλάκτων τῶν τόπων. μεγάλης δὲ φιλοτιμίας γενομένης παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις, Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἔχων μεθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν Θηβαίων μόγις ἐβιάσατο τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους· διακόψας δὲ τὴν φυλακὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν διαγαγὼν παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, διαπραξάμενος ἔργον οὐδὲν τῶν προκατειργασμένων καταδεέστερον.

69. Εὐθὺ δὲ ἐπὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἐπίδαυρον πορευθεὶς τὴν μὲν χώραν ἐδῄωσε, τῶν δὲ πόλεων οὐκ ἐδυνήθη κρατῆσαι διὰ τὸ φρουρὰς ἔχειν ἀξιολόγους, Σικυῶνα δὲ καὶ Φλιοῦντα3 καί τινας ἄλλας4 πόλεις καταπληξάμενος προσηγάγετο. στρατεύσας δ᾿ ἐπὶ Κόρινθον, καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἐπεξελθόντων νικήσας μάχῃ, τούτους μὲν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν συνεδίωξε,

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with palisades and deep trenches, and since the task 369/8 b.c. was quickly completed owing to the large number of men and their enthusiasm, they had every spot fortified before the Boeotians arrived. Epameinondas came with his army, inspected the fortifications, and, perceiving that there was a spot very easy of access where the Lacedaemonians were on guard, first challenged the enemy to come forth to a pitched battle, though they were almost three times his number, then when not a man dared to advance beyond the fortified line, but all remained on the defensive in their palisaded camp, he launched a violent attack upon them. Accordingly, throughout the whole area heavy assaults were made, but particularly against the Lacedaemonians, for their terrain was easily assailed and difficult to defend. Great rivalry arose between the two armies, and Epameinondas, who had with him the bravest of the Thebans, with great effort forced back the Lacedaemonians, and, cutting through their defence and bringing his army through, passed into the Peloponnese, thereby accomplishing a feat no whit inferior to his former mighty deeds.

69. Having proceeded straightway to Troezên and Epidaurus, he ravaged the countryside but could not seize the cities, for they had garrisons of considerable strength, yet Sicyon,1 Phlius,2 and certain other cities he so intimidated as to bring them over to his side. When he invaded Corinth, and the Corinthians sallied forth to meet him, he defeated them in battle, and drove them all back inside their walls, but when the

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τῶν δὲ Βοιωτῶν διὰ τὴν εὐημερίαν μετεωρισθέντων, καί τινων προχείρως τολμησάντων διὰ τῆς πύλης εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσβιάζεσθαι, οἱ μὲν Κορίνθιοι δείσαντες ἐτράπησαν εἰς τὰς οἰκίας, Χαβρίας δ᾿ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς ἐμφρόνως ἅμα καὶ τεθαρρηκότως ὑποστὰς τοὺς μὲν ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν Βοιωτῶν κατέβαλεν. 2γενομένης δὲ φιλοτιμίας, οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν συντάξαντες ἐπῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Κόρινθον καταπληκτικῶς, ὁ δὲ Χαβρίας ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους προῆγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ καταλαβόμενος τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους ὑπέστη τὴν 3τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον. οἱ μὲν οὖν Βοιωτοί, πεποιθότες ταῖς τῶν σωμάτων ῥώμαις καὶ ταῖς ἐν τοῖς συνεχέσι πολέμοις ἐμπειρίαις, τῇ βίᾳ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἤλπιζον χειρώσασθαι,1 οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Χαβρίαν ἐκ τόπων ὑπερδεξίων ἀγωνιζόμενοι, καὶ πολλῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως χορηγουμένων, οὓς μὲν ἀνῄρουν τῶν βιαζομένων, τοὺς δὲ κατετίτρωσκον. 4οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοί, πολλὰ μὲν κακοπαθήσαντες, οὐδὲν δὲ πρᾶξαι δυνάμενοι, τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο. Χαβρίας μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ στρατηγικῇ συνέσει2 θαυμασθεὶς τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀπετρίψατο τοὺς πολεμίους.

70. Ἐκ δὲ τῆς Σικελίας Κελτοὶ καὶ Ἴβηρες δισχίλιοι κατέπλευσαν εἰς Κόρινθον, ἐκπεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Διονυσίου τοῦ τυράννου συμμαχῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις, εἰς μῆνας πέντε τοὺς μισθοὺς εἰληφότες. οἱ δ᾿ Ἕλληνες πεῖραν αὐτῶν βουλόμενοι λαβεῖν προῆγον αὐτούς, καὶ κατὰ τὰς συμπλοκὰς καὶ μάχας ἀνδραγαθούντων αὐτῶν πολλοί τε τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀνῃροῦντο.

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Boeotians were so elated by their success that some of 369/8 b.c. them rashly ventured to force their way through the gates into the city, the Corinthians, frightened, took refuge in their houses, but Chabrias the Athenian general made an intelligent and determined resistance, and succeeded in driving the Boeotians out of the city, having also struck down many of them. In the rivalry which followed, the Boeotians gathered all their army in line of battle and directed a formidable blow at Corinth; but Chabrias with the Athenians advanced out of the city, took his station on superior terrain and withstood the attack of the enemy. The Boeotians, however, relying upon the hardihood of their bodies and their experience in continuous warfare, expected to worst the Athenians by sheer might, but Chabrias’ corps, having the advantage of superior ground in the struggle and of abundant supplies from the city, slew some of the attackers and severely wounded others. The Boeotians, having suffered many losses and being unable to accomplish anything, beat a retreat. So Chabrias won great admiration for his courage and shrewdness as a general and got rid of the enemy in this fashion.

70. From Sicily, Celts and Iberians to the number of two thousand sailed to Corinth, for they had been sent by the tyrant Dionysius to fight in alliance with the Lacedaemonians, and had received pay for five months. The Greeks, in order to make trial of them, led them forth; and they proved their worth in hand-to-hand fighting and in battles and many both of the Boeotians and of their allies were slain by them.

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διόπερ δόξαντες εὐχειρίᾳ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ διαφέρειν καὶ πολλὰς χρείας παρασχόμενοι, καὶ τιμηθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τοῦ θέρους λήγοντος ἐξαπεστάλησαν 2εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Φιλίσκος μὲν ὑπ᾿ Ἀρταξέρξου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποσταλεὶς κατέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, παρακαλῶν τοὺς Ἕλληνας διαλύσασθαι μὲν τοὺς πολέμους, εἰρήνην δὲ κοινὴν συνθέσθαι. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πάντες ἀσμένως ὑπήκουσαν, Θηβαῖοι δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ὑπόστασιν ὅλην τὴν Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀγαγόντες1 συντέλειαν οὐ προσεδέχθησαν. ἀπογνωσθείσης δὲ τῆς κοινῆς εἰρήνης, ὁ μὲν Φιλίσκος καταλιπὼν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις δισχιλίους ἐπιλέκτους μισθοφόρους ἔχοντας τοὺς μισθούς, ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν.

3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Εὔφρων ὁ Σικυώνιος, διαφέρων θράσει καὶ ἀπονοίᾳ, συνεργοὺς λαβὼν Ἀργείους ἐπέθετο τυραννίδι. κρατήσας δὲ τῆς ἐπιβολῆς τετταράκοντα τοὺς εὐπορωτάτους τῶν Σικυωνίων ἐφυγάδευσε, δημεύσας αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας, καὶ πολλῶν χρημάτων κυριεύσας μισθοφόρους ἤθροισε καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐδυνάστευσεν.

71. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Ναυσιγένους ἐν Ῥώμῃ χιλίαρχοι κατεστάθησαν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τέτταρες, Λεύκιος Παπίριος,2 Λεύκιος Μενήνιος, Σερούιος Κορνήλιος, Σερούιος Σολπίκιος,3 παρὰ δὲ Ἠλείοις ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη τρίτη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Πυθόστρατος Ἀθηναῖος.

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Accordingly, having won repute for superior dexterity 369/8 b.c. and courage and rendered many kinds of service, they were given awards by the Lacedaemonians and sent back home at the close of the summer to Sicily.1 Following this, Philiscus, who was sent on this mission by King Artaxerxes, sailed to Greece to urge the Greeks to compose their strife and agree to a general peace. All but the Thebans responded willingly2; they, however, adhering to their own design, had brought all Boeotia into one confederation and were excluded from the agreement. Since the general peace was not agreed to, Philiscus left two thousand picked mercenaries, paid in advance, for the Lacedaemonians and then returned to Asia.

While these things were going on, Euphron of Sicyon, a particularly rash and crack-brained individual, with accomplices from Argos, attempted to set up a tyranny.3 Succeeding in his plan, he sent forty of the wealthiest Sicyonians into exile, first confiscating their property, and, when he had secured large sums thereby, he collected a mercenary force and became lord of the city.

71. When Nausigenes was archon at Athens, in 368/7 b.c. Rome four military tribunes with consular power were elected, Lucius Papirius, Lucius Menenius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpicius; and the Eleians celebrated the hundred third Olympiad, in which Pythostratus the Athenian won the stadium race.

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ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἀλωρίτης1 ὁ Ἀμύντου υἱὸς ἐδολοφόνησεν Ἀλέξανδρον1 τὸν ἀδελφόν, καὶ 2ἐβασίλευσε τῆς Μακεδονίας ἔτη τρία.2 κατὰ δὲ τὴν Βοιωτίαν Πελοπίδας ἐφάμιλλος ὢν τῷ Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ τῇ κατὰ πόλεμον δόξῃ, καὶ θεωρῶν ἐκεῖνον τὰ περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον συμφερόντως κατεσκευακότα τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς, ἔσπευδε τὰ ἐκτὸς Πελοποννήσου δι᾿ αὑτοῦ προσάγεσθαι τοῖς Θηβαίοις. παραλαβὼν δὲ Ἰσμηνίαν, ἄνδρα φίλον μὲν ἑαυτοῦ θαυμαζόμενον δ᾿ ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ, παρῆλθεν εἰς Θετταλίαν. καταντήσας δὲ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Φερῶν τύραννον, ἀλόγως συνελήφθη μετὰ Ἰσμηνίου 3καὶ εἰς φυλακὴν παρεδόθη. Θηβαίων δ᾿ ἐπὶ τοῖς πραχθεῖσι παροξυνθέντων, καὶ ταχέως εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν ἐκπεμψάντων ὁπλίτας μὲν ὀκτακισχιλίους ἱππεῖς δ᾿ ἑξακοσίους, φοβηθεὶς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξέπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας περὶ συμμαχίας. ᾧ παραχρῆμα ὁ δῆμος ἐξέπεμψε ναῦς μὲν τριάκοντα στρατιώτας δὲ χιλίους, ὧν ἦν στρατηγὸς 4Αὐτοκλῆς. ἐν ὅσῳ δ᾿ οὗτος περιέπλει τὴν Εὔβοιαν Θηβαῖοι κατήντησαν εἰς Θετταλίαν. τοῦ δ᾿ Ἀλεξάνδρου πεζὴν δύναμιν ἠθροικότος καὶ ἱππεῖς πολλαπλασίους ἔχοντος τῶν Βοιωτῶν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ Βοιωτοὶ διὰ μάχης ἔκρινον λῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον, συνεργοὺς ἔχοντες τοὺς Θετταλούς· ὡς δ᾿ οὗτοι

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During their term of office Ptolemy1 of Alorus, son of 368/7 b.c. Amyntas, assassinated Alexander, his brother-in-law, and was king of Macedon for three years. In Boeotia Pelopidas, whose military reputation rivalled that of Epameinondas, saw that the latter had arranged the Peloponnesian affairs to the advantage of the Boeotians, and was eager to be the instrument whereby districts outside of the Peloponnese were won for the Thebans. Taking along with him as his associate Ismenias, a friend of his, and a man who was admired for his valour, he entered Thessaly.2 There he met Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae, but was suddenly arrested with Ismenias, and placed under guard. The Thebans, incensed at what had been done, dispatched with all speed eight thousand hoplites and six hundred cavalry into Thessaly, so frightening Alexander that he dispatched ambassadors to Athens for an alliance.3 The Athenian people immediately sent him thirty ships and a thousand men under the command of Autocles. While Autocles was making the circuit of Euboea, the Thebans entered Thessaly. Though Alexander had gathered his infantry and had many times more horsemen than the Boeotians, at first the Boeotians decided to settle the war by battle, for they had the Thessalians as supporters; but when the latter

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μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐγκατέλιπον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καί τινες ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι παρεγένοντο τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, τὰ δὲ σῖτα καὶ ποτὰ καὶ τἄλλα πάντα ἐπέλειπε1 τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς, ἔγνωσαν οἱ βοιωτάρχαι τὴν εἰς οἶκον 5ἐπάνοδον ποιεῖσθαι. ἀναζευξάντων δ᾿ αὐτῶν, καὶ τῆς πορείας οὔσης διὰ χώρας πεδιάδος, Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπηκολούθει πολλοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας ἐπέθετο. τῶν δὲ Βοιωτῶν οἱ μὲν κατακοντιζόμενοι συνεχῶς ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δὲ τραύμασι περιέπιπτον, τέλος δ᾿ οὔτε μένειν οὔτε προάγειν ἐώμενοι εἰς πολλὴν ἀμηχανίαν ἐνέπιπτον,2 6ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων σπανιζόντων. ἤδη δ᾿ αὐτῶν τὴν σωτηρίαν ἀπογινωσκόντων, Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἰδιωτεύων κατ᾿ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατεστάθη στρατηγός. εὐθὺς δὲ3 διαλέξας τούς τε ψιλοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς, τούτους μὲν αὐτὸς ἀνέλαβε, καὶ ταχθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας διὰ τούτων ἀνέστελλε τοὺς ἐπακολουθοῦντας πολεμίους καὶ πολλὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρείχετο τοῖς προηγουμένοις ὁπλίταις, ποιούμενος δὲ μάχας ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς καὶ τάξει φιλοτέχνῳ χρώμενος 7διέσωσε τὸ στρατόπεδον. αἰεὶ δὲ μᾶλλον διὰ τῶν κατορθωμάτων αὔξων τὴν ἰδίαν εὐδοξίαν μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἐτύγχανε παρά τε τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι τοὺς τότε βοιωταρχήσαντας καταδικάσαντες, πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ἐζημίωσαν.

72. Ἐπιζητουμένης δὲ τῆς αἰτίας πῶς ὁ τοιοῦτος ἀνὴρ ἰδιώτης ὢν ἐστρατεύετο μετὰ τῶν εἰς Θετταλίαν ἀποσταλέντων, ἀποδοτέον τὸν οἰκεῖον λόγον τῆς ἀπολογίας. τῇ μάχῃ τῇ περὶ Κόρινθον Ἐπαμεινώνδας διακόψας τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ προτειχίσματος

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left them in the lurch and the Athenians and some 368/7 b.c. other allies joined Alexander, and they found their provisions of food and drink and all their other supplies giving out, the boeotarchs decided to return home. When they had broken camp and were proceeding through level country, Alexander trailed them with a large body of cavalry and attacked their rear. A number of Boeotians perished under the continuous rain of darts, others fell wounded, until finally, being permitted neither to halt nor to proceed, they were reduced to utter helplessness, as was natural when they were also running short of provisions. When they had now abandoned hope, Epameinondas, who was at that time serving as a private soldier, was appointed general by the men. Quickly selecting the light-armed men and cavalry, he took them with him, and, posting himself in the rear, with their aid checked the enemy pursuers and provided complete security for the heavy-armed men in the front ranks; and by wheeling about and offering battle and using masterly formations he saved the army. By these repeated successes he more and more enhanced his own reputation and won the warm approbation of both his fellow citizens and allies. But the Thebans brought judgement against the boeotarchs of the day and punished them with a heavy fine.

72. When the reason is asked why a man of such parts was serving as a private soldier in the expedition that was sent to Thessaly, we must give his own plea in defence. In the battle at Corinth Epameinondas, having cut through the guard of the Lacedaemonians

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φυλακὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, καὶ δυνάμενος πολλοὺς ἀνελεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἠρκέσθη τῷ προτερήματι 2καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ πλεῖον1 μάχης ἀπέστη. γενομένης δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν ἱκανῆς ὑποψίας ὡς πεφεισμένου τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἰδίας ἕνεκα χάριτος, οἱ φθονοῦντες αὐτοῦ τῇ δόξῃ καιρὸν ἔλαβον εὐλόγου διαβολῆς. ἐπενεγκάντων οὖν αὐτῷ προδοσίας ἔγκλημα, τὸ πλῆθος παροξυνθὲν ἀπέστησεν αὐτὸν τῆς βοιωταρχίας, καὶ ἰδιώτην ποιῆσαν2 ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων. ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ3 τῶν ἀποτελεσμάτων ἐξήλειψε τὰς καθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ διαβολάς, τότε ὁ δῆμος ἀποκατέστησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν προγεγενημένην εὐδοξίαν. 3μετ᾿ ὀλίγον δὲ χρόνον Λακεδαιμονίοις πρὸς Ἀρκάδας ἐγένετο μεγάλη μάχη, ἐν ᾗ ἐνίκησαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπιφανῶς. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἧτταν τοῦτο πρῶτον αὐτοῖς παράδοξον εὐτύχημα ἐγένετο· ἔπεσον γὰρ Ἀρκάδων μὲν ὑπὲρ τοὺς μυρίους, Λακεδαιμονίων δ᾿ οὐδείς. προεῖπον δ᾿ αὐτοῖς αἱ Δωδωνίδες4 ἱέρειαι διότι πόλεμος οὗτος 4Λακεδαιμονίοις ἄδακρυς ἔσται. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην οἱ Ἀρκάδες, φοβηθέντες τὰς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων εἰσβολάς, ἔκτισαν ἐπί τινος ἐπικαίρου τόπου τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Μεγάλην πόλιν, συρρίψαντες εἰς αὐτὴν κώμας εἴκοσι5 τῶν ὀνομαζομένων Μαιναλίων καὶ Παρρασίων Ἀρκάδων.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

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on the outwork, though he might have slain many of 368/7 b.c. the enemy, was satisfied with his advantage and desisted from further combat. A serious suspicion arose that he had spared the Lacedaemonians as a personal favour, and those who were jealous of his fame found an opportunity for plausible charges against him. They accordingly brought a charge of treason against him, and the populace, incensed, removed him from the board of boeotarchs, made him a private soldier, and sent him out with the rest. When he had by his achievements wiped out the feeling against him, the people then restored him to his former position of high repute. Shortly after this the Lacedaemonians fought a great battle with the Arcadians and defeated them signally. Indeed since the defeat at Leuctra this was their first stroke of good fortune, and it was a surprising one; for over ten thousand Arcadians fell and not one Lacedaemonian.1 The priestesses of Dodona2 had foretold to them that this war would be a tearless one for the Lacedaemonians. After this battle the Arcadians, fearful of the invasions of the Lacedaemonians, founded in a favourable location the city called Great, Megalopolis, by combining to form it twenty3 villages of the Arcadians known as Maenalians4 and Parrhasians.

Such were the events in Greece at this time.

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73. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν Διονύσιος ὁ τύραννος ἔχων δυνάμεις ἀξιολόγους, καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ὁρῶν οὐκ εὖ διακειμένους πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον διά τε τὴν γεγενημένην παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς λοιμικὴν νόσον καὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν τῶν Λιβύων, ἔγνω στρατεύειν ἐπ᾿ αὐτούς. οὐκ ἔχων δὲ πρόφασιν ἀξιόλογον τῆς διαφορᾶς, προσεποιήθη τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἐπικράτειαν 2Φοίνικας ἐπιβεβηκέναι τῆς ὑπ᾿ αὐτὸν χώρας. παρασκευασάμενος οὖν πεζοὺς μὲν τρισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τρισχιλίους, τριήρεις δὲ τριακοσίας καὶ τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν τῇ δυνάμει ταύτῃ παρασκευήν, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίους χώραν. καὶ Σελινοῦντα μὲν καὶ Ἔντελλαν εὐθὺς προσηγάγετο, καὶ τὴν χώραν πᾶσαν πορθήσας καὶ τῆς πόλεως τῶν Ἐρυκίνων ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐπολιόρκησε Λιλύβαιον· πολλῶν δ᾿ ὄντων ἐν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν 3τὴν πολιορκίαν ἔλυσεν. ἀκούσας δὲ τὰ νεώρια τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐμπεπρῆσθαι, καὶ δόξας πάντα τὸν στόλον αὐτῶν διεφθάρθαι κατεφρόνησε, καὶ τῶν ἰδίων τριήρων ἑκατὸν μὲν καὶ τριάκοντα τὰς ἀρίστας ἀπέστειλεν εἰς τὸν τῶν Ἐρυκίνων λιμένα, τὰς δ᾿ ἄλλας ἁπάσας ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας. 4οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι παραδόξως διακοσίας ναῦς πληρώσαντες ἐπέπλευσαν ταῖς ὁρμούσαις ἐν τῷ λιμένι τῶν Ἐρυκίνων· ἀνελπίστου δὲ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως γενομένης ἀπήγαγον τῶν τριήρων τὰς πλείστας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐνστάντος ἀνοχὰς ποιησάμενοι διεχωρίσθησαν εἰς τὰς οἰκείας ἑκάτεροι1 5πόλεις. μετ᾿ ὀλίγον δὲ χρόνον Διονύσιος

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73. In Sicily, Dionysius the tyrant having large 306/7 b.c. armies, and perceiving that the Carthaginians were in no condition for war because of the plague which had raged in their midst1 and the defection of the Libyans, decided to take the field against them. Not having a reasonable excuse for strife, he alleged that the Phoenicians in the empire of Carthage had violated the territory subject to him. He therefore got ready an armament of thirty thousand foot, three thousand horse, three hundred triremes and the supply train appropriate for that force, and invaded Carthaginian territory in Sicily. He immediately won Selinus and Entella, laid waste the whole countryside, and, having captured the city of Eryx, besieged Lilybaeum,2 but there were so many soldiers in the place that he abandoned the siege. Hearing that the Carthaginians’ dockyards had been burned and thinking their whole fleet had been destroyed, he conceived a contempt for them and dispatched only one hundred thirty of his best triremes to the harbour of Eryx, sending all the rest back to Syracuse. But the Carthaginians, having unexpectedly manned two hundred ships, sailed against the fleet at anchor in the harbour of Eryx, and, as the attack was unforeseen, they made off with most of the triremes. Later when winter had set in, the two states agreed to an armistice and separated, each going to its own cities. A little later

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εἰς ἀρρωστίαν ἐμπεσὼν ἐτελεύτησε, δυναστεύσας ἔτη τριάκοντα καὶ ὀκτώ· τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος ὁ υἱὸς Διονύσιος ἐτυράννευσεν ἔτη δώδεκα.

74. Οὐκ ἀνοίκειον δ᾿ ἐστὶ τῆς ὑποκειμένης ἱστορίας διελθεῖν τάς τε αἰτίας τῆς τελευτῆς καὶ τὰ συμβάντα τούτῳ τῷ δυνάστῃ περὶ τὴν τοῦ βίου καταστροφήν.1 Διονυσίου τοίνυν δεδιδαχότος Ἀθήνησι Ληναίοις τραγῳδίαν καὶ νικήσαντος, τῶν ἐν τῷ χορῷ τις ᾀδόντων2 ὑπολαβὼν τιμηθήσεσθαι λαμπρῶς ἐὰν πρῶτος ἀπαγγείλῃ τὴν νίκην, διέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον. καταλαβὼν δ᾿ ἐκεῖ ναῦν ἐκπλέουσαν εἰς Σικελίαν καὶ μετεμβὰς3 εἰς ταύτην, οὐρίοις ἐχρήσατο πνεύμασι, καὶ καταπλεύσας εἰς Συρακούσας συντόμως ἀπήγγειλε τῷ 2τυράννῳ τὴν νίκην. ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος τοῦτον μὲν ἐτίμησεν, αὐτὸς δὲ περιχαρὴς ἐγένετο καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς εὐαγγέλια θύσας πότους καὶ μεγάλας εὐωχίας ἐπετέλεσεν. ἑστιῶν δὲ λαμπρῶς τοὺς φίλους, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς πότους φιλοτιμότερον τῇ μέθῃ δοὺς ἑαυτόν, εἰς ἀρρωστίαν σφοδροτέραν ἐνέπεσε διὰ 3τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐμφορηθέντων ὑγρῶν. ἔχων δὲ παρὰ θεῶν λόγιον τότε4 τελευτήσειν ὅταν τῶν κρειττόνων περιγένηται, τὸν χρησμὸν ἀνέφερεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, ὑπολαμβάνων τούτους κρείττους ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι. διὸ καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς πλεονάκις

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Dionysius fell sick and died, after ruling as overlord 368/7 b.c. for thirty-eight years. His son Dionysius succeeded and ruled as tyrant twelve years.

74. It is not out of keeping with the present narrative to recount the cause of his death and the events which befell this dynast toward the end of his life. Now Dionysius had produced a tragedy at the Lenaea1 at Athens2 and had won the victory, and one of those who sang in the chorus, supposing that he would be rewarded handsomely if he were the first to give news of the victory, set sail to Corinth. There, finding a ship bound for Sicily, he transferred to it, and obtaining favouring winds, speedily landed at Syracuse and gave the tyrant news of the victory. Dionysius did reward him, and was himself so overjoyed that he sacrificed to the gods for the good tidings and instituted a drinking bout and great feasts. As he entertained his friends lavishly and during the bout applied himself overzealously to drink, he fell violently ill from the quantity of liquor he had consumed. Now he had an oracle the gods had given him that he should die when he had conquered “his betters,” but he interpreted the oracle as referring to the Carthaginians, assuming that these were “his betters.” So in the wars that he had many times

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πεπολεμηκὼς εἰώθει κατὰ τὰς νίκας ὑποφεύγειν καὶ ἑκουσίως ἡττᾶσθαι, ἵνα μὴ δόξῃ τῶν ἰσχυροτέρων 4γεγονέναι1 κρείττων. οὐ μὴν ἠδυνήθη γε τῇ πανουργίᾳ κατασοφίσασθαι τὴν ἐκ τῆς πεπρωμένης ἀνάγκην, ἀλλὰ ποιητὴς ὢν κακὸς καὶ διακριθεὶς ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐνίκησε τοὺς κρείττονας ποιητάς. εὐλόγως οὖν κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν διὰ τὸ περιγενέσθαι τῶν κρειττόνων ἐπακολουθοῦσαν ἔσχε τὴν τοῦ βίου τελευτήν.

5Ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος ὁ νεώτερος διαδεξάμενος τὴν τυραννίδα πρῶτον τὰ πλήθη συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν παρεκάλεσε τοῖς οἰκείοις λόγοις τηρεῖν τὴν πατροπαράδοτον πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν, ἔπειτα τὸν πατέρα μεγαλοπρεπῶς θάψας κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πρὸς ταῖς βασιλίσι καλουμέναις πύλαις, ἠσφαλίσατο τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχήν.

75. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Πολυζήλου κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ῥώμην ἀναρχία διά τινας πολιτικὰς στάσεις ἐγένετο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φερῶν τύραννος ἐν τῇ Θετταλίᾳ περί τινων ἐγκαλέσας τῇ πόλει τῶν Σκοτουσσαίων, ἐκάλεσεν αὐτοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ περιστήσας τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἅπαντας ἀπέσφαξε, τὰ δὲ σώματα τῶν τετελευτηκότων ῥίψας εἰς τὴν πρὸ τῶν τειχῶν 2τάφρον τὴν πόλιν διήρπασεν. Ἐπαμεινώνδας δ᾿ ὁ2 Θηβαῖος μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Πελοπόννησον

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waged against them he was accustomed to withdraw 368/7 b.c. in the hour of victory and accept defeat willingly, in order that he might not appear to have proved himself “better” than the stronger foe. For all that, however, he could not in the end by his chicanery outwit the destiny Fate had in store for him; on the contrary, though a wretched poet and though judged on this occasion in a competition at Athens,1 he defeated “better” poets than himself. So in verbal consistency with the decree of the oracle he met his death as a direct consequence of defeating “his betters.”

Dionysius the younger on his succession to the tyranny first gathered the populace in an assembly and urged them in appropriate words to maintain toward him the loyalty that passed to him with the heritage that he had received from his father; then, having buried his father with magnificent obsequies in the citadel by the gates called royal, he made secure for himself the administration of the government.

75. When Polyzelus was archon at Athens, anarchy 367/6 b.c. prevailed at Rome because of civil dissensions, and in Greece, Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, having lodged accusations about certain matters against the city of Scotussa,2 summoned its citizens to an assembly and, having surrounded them with mercenaries, slew them all, cast the bodies of the dead into the ditch in front of the walls, and plundered the city from end to end. Epameinondas, the Theban, entered the Peloponnese with an army, won over the

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τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καί τινας ἄλλας πόλεις προσηγάγετο,1 Δύμην δὲ καὶ Ναύπακτον καὶ Καλυδῶνα φρουρουμένην ὑπ᾿ Ἀχαιῶν ἠλευθέρωσεν. ἐστράτευσαν δὲ καὶ εἰς Θετταλίαν Βοιωτοί, καὶ Πελοπίδαν ἐκομίσαντο παρ᾿ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φερῶν 3τυράννου. Φλιασίοις δὲ πολεμουμένοις ὑπ᾿ Ἀργείων Χάρης ὑπ᾿ Ἀθηναίων πεμφθεὶς στρατηγὸς μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐβοήθησε2· νικήσας δὲ τοὺς Ἀργείους δυσὶ μάχαις καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν περιποιήσας τοῖς Φλιασίοις ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας.

76. Τοῦ δ᾿ ἐνιαυσίου3 χρόνου διεληλυθότος Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦρχε Κηφισόδωρος, ἐν Ῥώμῃ δ᾿ ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλιάρχους ὁ δῆμος τέσσαρας κατέστησε, Λεύκιον Φούριον, Παῦλον4 Μάλλιον, Σερούιον Σουλπίκιον, Σερούιον Κορνήλιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Θεμίσων ὁ Ἐρετρίας τύραννος Ὠρωπὸν κατελάβετο. ταύτην δὲ τὴν πόλιν οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων παραλόγως ἀπέβαλεν· τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων στρατευσάντων ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν καὶ πολὺ ταῖς δυνάμεσιν ὑπερεχόντων, οἱ Θηβαῖοι βοηθήσαντες αὐτῷ καὶ παραλαβόντες ἐν παρακαταθήκῃ τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἀπέδωκαν.

2Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Κῷοι μετῴκησαν εἰς τὴν νῦν οἰκουμένην πόλιν καὶ κατεσκεύασαν αὐτὴν ἀξιόλογον· πλῆθός τε γὰρ ἀνδρῶν εἰς ταύτην ἠθροίσθη καὶ τείχη πολυτελῆ κατεσκευάσθη καὶ λιμὴν ἀξιόλογος. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων τῶν χρόνων αἰεὶ

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Achaeans1 and some cities besides, and liberated 367/6 b.c. Dymê, Naupactus, and Calydon, which were held by a garrison of the Achaeans. The Boeotians invaded Thessaly also and released Pelopidas2 from the custody of Alexander, tyrant of Pherae. And to the Phliasians upon whom the Argives were waging war, Chares3 brought assistance, having been sent with an army under his command by the Athenians; he defeated the Argives in two battles, and after securing the position of the Phliasians, returned to Athens.

76. When the year ended, Cephisodorus was archon 366/5 b.c. at Athens, and at Rome the people elected four military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Furius, Paulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, and Servius Cornelius. During their term of office, Themison,4 tyrant of Eretria, seized Oropus. But this city, which belonged to Athens, he quite unexpectedly lost; for when the Athenians took the field against him with far superior forces, the Thebans, who had come to aid him and had taken over from him the city for safekeeping, did not give it back.

While these things were going on, the Coans transferred their abode to the city they now inhabit and made it a notable place5; for a large population was gathered into it, and costly walls and a considerable harbour were constructed. From this time on its

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μᾶλλον ηὐξήθη προσόδοις τε δημοσίαις καὶ τοῖς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν πλούτοις, καὶ τὸ σύνολον ἐνάμιλλος ἐγένετο ταῖς πρωτευούσαις πόλεσιν.

3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις ὁ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἀποστείλας πρέσβεις ἔπεισε τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοὺς μὲν πολέμους καταλύσασθαι καὶ κοινὴν εἰρήνην συνθέσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. διόπερ ὅ τε Λακωνικὸς καὶ Βοιωτικὸς κληθεὶς πόλεμος κατελύθη, πλείω1 μείνας ἐτῶν πέντε, τὴν ἀρχὴν λαβὼν ἀπὸ τῶν Λευκτρικῶν.

4Ὑπῆρξαν δὲ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους ἄνδρες κατὰ παιδείαν ἄξιοι μνήμης Ἰσοκράτης τε ὁ ῥήτωρ καὶ οἱ τούτου γενόμενοι μαθηταὶ καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ φιλόσοφος, ἔτι δὲ Ἀναξιμένης ὁ Λαμψακηνὸς καὶ Πλάτων ὁ Ἀθηναῖος, ἔτι δὲ τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν φιλοσόφων οἱ τελευταῖοι, Ξενοφῶν τε ὁ τὰς ἱστορίας συγγραψάμενος ἐσχατογήρως ὤν· μέμνηται γὰρ τῆς Ἐπαμεινώνδου τελευτῆς μετ᾿ ὀλίγον χρόνον γεγενημένης· Ἀρίστιππός τε καὶ Ἀντισθένης, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Αἰσχίνης ὁ Σφήττιος ὁ Σωκρατικός.

77. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Χίωνος ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλίαρχοι κατεστάθησαν Κόιντος Σερουίλιος2 καὶ Γάιος Οὐετόριος καὶ Αὖλος Κορνήλιος, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Μάρκος Κορνήλιος καὶ Μάρκος Φάβιος.3 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων εἰρήνης οὔσης κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, πάλιν ἀρχαὶ πολέμων συνέστησάν τισι τῶν πόλεων καὶ νεωτέρων πραγμάτων

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public revenues and private wealth constantly increased, 366/5 b.c. so much so that it became in a word a rival of the leading cities of Greece.

While these things were going on, the Persian King1 sent envoys and succeeded in persuading the Greeks to settle their wars and make a general peace with one another. Accordingly the war called Sparto-Boeotian was settled after lasting more than five years counting from the campaign of Leuctra.

In this period there were men memorable for their culture,2 Isocrates the orator and those who became his pupils, Aristotle the philosopher, and besides these Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Plato of Athens, the last of the Pythagorean philosophers, and Xenophon who composed his histories in extreme old age, for he mentions the death of Epameinondas which occurred a few years later.3 Then there were Aristippus and Antisthenes, and Aeschines of Sphettus, the Socratic.

77. When Chion was archon at Athens, at Rome 365/4 b.c. military tribunes with consular power were elected, Quintus Servilius, Gaius Veturius, Aulus Cornelius, Marcus Cornelius, and Marcus Fabius. During their term of office, though peace prevailed throughout Greece, clouds of war again gathered in certain cities

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καινοτομία παράλογος. οἱ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρκάδων φυγάδες ὁρμηθέντες ἐξ Ἤλιδος κατελάβοντο τῆς ὀνομαζομένης Τριφυλίας χωρίον ὀχυρόν, ὃ προσηγόρευται 2Λασίων.1 ἐκ πολλῶν δὲ χρόνων περὶ τῆς Τριφυλίας ἠμφισβήτουν Ἀρκάδες καὶ Ἠλεῖοι, καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἑκατέρων ἐν ταῖς μεταβολαῖς ὑπεροχὰς ἐναλλὰξ ἐκυρίευον τῆς χώρας· κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς τῶν Ἀρκάδων κρατούντων τὴν Τριφυλίαν, προφάσει τῶν φυγάδων ἀφῃροῦντο ταύτην 3τῶν Ἀρκάδων οἱ Ἠλεῖοι. διὸ καὶ παροξυνθέντες οἱ Ἀρκάδες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρέσβεις ἐξαποστείλαντες ἀπῄτουν τὸ χωρίον· ὡς δ᾿ οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς προσεῖχε, μετεπέμψαντο παρ᾿ Ἀθηναίων συμμαχίαν καὶ μετὰ ταύτης ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὸν Λασίωνα.2 τῶν δὲ Ἠλείων βοηθησάντων τοῖς φυγάσιν ἐγένετο μάχη πλησίον τοῦ Λασίωνος,2 καὶ τῶν Ἀρκάδων πολλαπλασίων ὄντων ἡττήθησαν Ἠλεῖοι καὶ πλείους τῶν διακοσίων στρατιωτῶν 4ἀπέβαλον. ταύτης δὲ ἀρχῆς τοῦ πολέμου γενομένης συνέβη τὴν διαφορὰν ἐπὶ πλέον προβῆναι τοῖς Ἀρκάσι καὶ τοῖς Ἠλείοις· εὐθὺς γὰρ οἱ μὲν Ἀρκάδες μετεωρισθέντες τῷ προτερήματι ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἠλείαν, καὶ εἷλον πόλεις Μάργανα καὶ Κρόνιον, ἔτι δὲ Κυπαρισσίαν καὶ Κορυφάσιον.

5Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις κατὰ τὴν Μακεδονίαν Πτολεμαῖος μὲν ὁ Αλωρίτης ἐδολοφονήθη

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and strange new outbreaks of revolution. For instance, 365/4 b.c. the Arcadian exiles,1 setting out from Elis, occupied a stronghold known as Lasion of the country called Triphylia. For many years Arcadia and Elis had been disputing the possession of Triphylia, and according as the ascendancy shifted from one country to the other, they had alternately been masters of the district; but at the period in question, though the Arcadians were ruling Triphylia, the Eleians, making the refugees a pretext, took it from the Arcadians.2 As a result the Arcadians were incensed and at first dispatched envoys demanding a return of the district; but when no one paid any attention to them, they summoned an allied force from the Athenians and with it attacked Lasion. The Eleians coming to the rescue of the refugees, a battle ensued near Lasion in which, being many times outnumbered by the Arcadians, the Eleians were defeated and lost over two hundred men. When the war had started in this way, it came to pass that the disagreement between Arcadians and Eleians widened in scope, for immediately the Arcadians, elated by their success, invaded Elis and took the cities of Margana and Cronion,3 and Cyparissia and Coryphasium.4

While these things were going on, in Macedon Ptolemy of Alorus5 was assassinated by his brother-in-law

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ὑπὸ τἀδελφοῦ1 Περδίκκα, βασιλεύσας ἔτη τρία· τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος ὁ Περδίκκας ἐβασίλευσε τῆς Μακεδονίας ἔτη πέντε.

78. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Τιμοκράτους ἐν Ῥώμῃ μὲν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑπάτων χιλίαρχοι τρεῖς κατεστάθησαν, Τίτος Κοΐνκτιος καὶ Σερούιος Κορνήλιος καὶ Σερούιος Σουλπίκιος, ὀλυμπιὰς δὲ ὑπὸ Πισατῶν καὶ Αρκάδων ἤχθη τετάρτη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Φωκίδης Ἀθηναῖος. 2ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Πισᾶται μὲν ἀνανεωσάμενοι τὸ παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα τῆς πατρίδος καί τισι μυθικαῖς καὶ παλαιαῖς ἀποδείξεσι χρώμενοι, τὴν θέσιν τῆς Ὀλυμπικῆς2 πανηγύρεως αὑτοῖς προσήκειν ἀπεφαίνοντο. κρίνοντες δὲ τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν εὔθετον ἔχειν ἀμφισβητῆσαι τοῦ ἀγῶνος, συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς Ἀρκάδας ὄντας πολεμίους Ἠλείων· συναγωνιστὰς δὲ λαβόντες τούτους ἐστράτευσαν 3ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἠλείους ἄρτι τιθέντας τὸν ἀγῶνα. ἀντιστάντων δὲ τῶν Ἠλείων πανδημεὶ συνέστη μάχη καρτερά, θεωμένων τὴν μάχην τῶν παρόντων ἐπὶ τὴν πανήγυριν Ἑλείων ἐστεφανωμένων καὶ μεθ᾿ ἡσυχίας ἀκινδύνως ἐπισημαινομένων τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν ἀνδραγαθίας. τέλος Πισᾶται νικήσαντες ἔθηκαν τὸν ἀγῶνα, καὶ τὴν ὀλυμπιάδα ταύτην ὕστερον οὐκ ἀνέγραψαν Ἠλεῖοι διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν βίᾳ καὶ ἀδίκως διατεθῆναι.

4Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὁ

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Perdiccas1 after ruling three years; and 365/4 b.c. Perdiccas succeeded to the throne and ruled Macedon for five years.

78. When Timocrates was archon at Athens, in 364/3 b.c. Rome three military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpicius; and the hundred fourth Olympiad was celebrated by the Pisans and Arcadians, in which Phocides, an Athenian, won the stadium race. During their term of office the Pisans, renewing the ancient prestige2 of their country and resorting to mythical, antiquarian proofs, asserted that the honour of holding the Olympian festival was their prerogative. And judging that they had now a suitable occasion for claiming the games, they formed an alliance with the Arcadians, who were enemies of the Eleians. With them as supporters they took the field against the Eleians who were in the act of holding the games. The Eleians resisted with all their forces and a stubborn battle took place, having as spectators the Greeks who were present for the festival wearing wreaths on their heads and calmly applauding the deeds of valour on both sides, themselves out of reach of danger. Finally the Pisans won the day and held the games, but the Eleians later failed to record this Olympiad because they considered that it had been conducted by force and contrary to justice.

While these things were going on, Epameinondas

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Θηβαῖος, μέγιστον ἔχων τῶν πολιτῶν ἀξίωμα, συναχθείσης ἐκκλησίας διελέχθη τοῖς πολίταις, προτρεπόμενος αὐτοὺς ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ἡγεμονίας. διελθὼν δὲ λόγον ἐκ χρόνου πεφροντισμένον ἐδείκνυε τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ταύτην συμφέρουσάν τε καὶ δυνατήν, τά τε ἄλλα προφερόμενος καὶ διότι τοῖς πεζῇ κρατοῦσι ῥᾷδιόν ἐστι περιποιήσασθαι τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἀρχήν· καὶ γὰρ Ἀθηναίους ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ξέρξην πολέμῳ διακοσίας ναῦς ἰδίᾳ πληροῦντας1 Λακεδαιμονίοις δέκα2 ναῦς παρεχομένοις ὑποτετάχθαι. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν οἰκείως διαλεχθεὶς ἔπεισε τοὺς Θηβαίους ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχῆς.

79. Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ δῆμος ἐψηφίσατο τριήρεις μὲν ἑκατὸν ναυπηγεῖσθαι, νεώρια δὲ ταύταις ἴσα3 τὸν ἀριθμόν, Ῥοδίους δὲ καὶ Χίους καὶ Βυζαντίους προτρέπεσθαι βοηθῆσαι ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς. αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐκπεμφθεὶς ἐπὶ4 τὰς εἰρημένας πόλεις Λάχητα μὲν τὸν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγόν, ἔχοντα στόλον ἀξιόλογον καὶ διακωλύειν τοὺς Θηβαίους ἀπεσταλμένον, καταπληξάμενος καὶ ἀποπλεῦσαι συναναγκάσας, ἰδίας τὰς πόλεις τοῖς 2Θηβαίοις ἐποίησεν. εἰ μὲν οὖν ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος πλείω χρόνον ἐπέζησεν, ὡμολογημένως ἂν οἱ Θηβαῖοι τῇ κατὰ γῆν ἡγεμονίᾳ5 καὶ τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἀρχὴν προσεκτήσαντο· ἐπεὶ δὲ μετ᾿

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the Theban, who enjoyed the highest standing amongst 364/3 b.c. his fellow countrymen, harangued his fellow citizens at a meeting of the assembly, urging them to strive for the supremacy on the sea. In the course of the speech, which was the result of long consideration, he pointed out that this attempt was both expedient and possible, alleging in particular that it was easy for those who possessed supremacy on land to acquire the mastery of the sea. The Athenians, for instance, in the war with Xerxes, who had two hundred ships manned by themselves, were subject to the commands of the Lacedaemonians who provided only ten ships. By this and many other arguments suited to his theme he prevailed upon the Thebans to make a bid for the mastery at sea.

79. Accordingly the people immediately voted to construct a hundred triremes and dockyards to accommodate their number,1 and to urge the peoples of Rhodes, Chios, and Byzantium to assist their schemes.2 Epameinondas himself, who had been dispatched with a force to the aforementioned cities, so overawed Laches, the Athenian general, who had a large fleet and had been sent out to circumvent the Thebans, that he forced him to sail away and made the cities friendly to Thebes. Indeed if this man had lived on longer, the Thebans admittedly would have secured the mastery at sea in addition to their supremacy on

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ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐν τῇ περὶ τὴν Μαντίνειαν μάχῃ λαμπροτάτην τὴν νίκην τῇ πατρίδι περιποιήσας ἡρωικῶς ἐτελεύτησεν, εὐθέως καὶ τὰ τῶν Θηβαίων πράγματα τῇ τούτου τελευτῇ συναπέθανεν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τὰ κατὰ μέρος μικρὸν ὕστερον 3ἀκριβῶς διέξιμεν. τότε δὲ τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἔδοξε στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν διὰ τοιαύτας τινὰς αἰτίας. τῶν φυγάδων τινὲς βουλόμενοι τὴν ἐν Θήβαις πολιτείαν εἰς ἀριστοκρατικὴν κατάστασιν μεταστῆσαι, συνέπεισαν τοὺς τῶν Ὀρχομενίων ἱππεῖς, ὄντας τριακοσίους, συνεπιλαβέσθαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. 4οὗτοι δὲ εἰωθότες μετὰ Θηβαίων1 ἀπαντᾶν ἡμέρᾳ τεταγμένῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐξοπλισίαν, εἰς ταύτην συνέθεντο ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἐπίθεσιν· πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ἄλλων κοινωνούντων τῆς προθέσεως καὶ προσορμησάντων, 5ἀπήντησαν πρὸς τὸν καιρόν. οἱ μὲν οὖν συστησάμενοι τὴν πρᾶξιν μετανοήσαντες ἐδήλωσαν τοῖς βοιωτάρχαις τὴν ἐπίθεσιν, προδόντες τοὺς συνομόσαντας, καὶ διὰ τῆς εὐεργεσίας ταύτης ἑαυτοῖς ἐπορίσαντο τὴν σωτηρίαν. τῶν δ᾿ ἀρχόντων συλλαβόντων τοὺς τῶν Ὀρχομενίων ἱππεῖς καὶ παραγαγόντων2 εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ὁ δῆμος ἐψηφίσατο τούτους μὲν ἀποσφάξαι, τοὺς δ᾿ Ὀρχομενίους ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν κατασκάψαι. ἐκ παλαιῶν γὰρ χρόνων οἱ Θηβαῖοι πρὸς τούτους ἀλλοτρίως διέκειντο, δασμοφοροῦντες μὲν τοῖς Μινύαις ἐν τοῖς ἡρωικοῖς χρόνοις, ὕστερον δ᾿ 6ὑφ᾿ Ἡρακλέους ἐλευθερωθέντες. οἱ δ᾿ οὖν Θηβαῖοι καιρὸν ἔχειν νομίσαντες καὶ προφάσεις εὐλόγους

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land; when, however, a little while later, after winning 364/3 b.c. a most glorious victory for his country in the battle of Mantineia, he died a hero’s death, straightway the power of Thebes died with him. But this subject we shall set forth accurately in detail a little later. At that time1 the Thebans decided to take the field against Orchomenus for the following reasons. Certain refugees who wanted to change the constitution of Thebes to an aristocracy induced the knights of Orchomenus, three hundred in all, to join them in the attempt. These knights, who were in the habit of meeting with some Thebans on a stated day for a review under arms, agreed to make the attack on this day, and along with many others who joined the movement and added their efforts, they met at the appointed time. Now the men who had originated the action changed their minds, and disclosed to the boeotarchs the projected attack, thus betraying their fellow conspirators, and by this service they purchased safety for themselves. The officials arrested the knights from Orchomenus and brought them before the assembly, where the people voted to execute them, to sell the inhabitants of Orchomenus into slavery, and to raze the city. For from earliest times the Thebans had been ill-disposed towards them, having paid tribute to the Minyae2 in the heroic age, but later they had been liberated by Heracles. So the Thebans, thinking they had a good opportunity and having got

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τῆς τιμωρίας λαβόντες, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀρχομενόν· κατασχόντες1 δὲ τὴν πόλιν τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας ἀπέκτειναν, τέκνα δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.

80. Περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Θετταλοὶ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Φερῶν τύραννον διαπολεμοῦντες καὶ πλείοσι μάχαις ἡττώμενοι,2 πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπολωλεκότες, πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς Θηβαίους, ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοῖς βοηθῆσαι καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτοῖς ἐξαποστεῖλαι Πελοπίδαν. ᾔδεισαν γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα διὰ τὴν ὑπ᾿ Ἀλεξάνδρου σύλληψιν ἀλλοτριώτατα διακείμενον πρὸς τὸν δυνάστην, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ διάφορον καὶ ἐπὶ 2στρατηγικῇ συνέσει διαβεβοημένον. συναχθείσης δὲ τῆς κοινῆς συνόδου τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων διαλεχθέντων περὶ ὧν εἶχον ἐντολάς, οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ πάντα συνεχώρησαν τοῖς Θετταλοῖς, καὶ δόντες εἰς ἑπτακισχιλίους στρατιώτας τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ συντόμως ἐκέλευον βοηθεῖν αὐτὸν τοῖς δεομένοις· τοῦ δὲ Πελοπίδου ταχέως μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως 3ἐξιόντος συνέβη τὸν ἥλιον ἐκλιπεῖν. πολλῶν δὲ τὸ γεγονὸς ὑποπτευσαμένων, τῶν μάντεών τινες ἀπεφήναντο διὰ τὴν γενομένην ἔξοδον τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐκλιπεῖν τὸν τῆς πόλεως ἥλιον. καὶ διὰ τούτων τῶν λόγων προλεγόντων τὸν τοῦ Πελοπίδου θάνατον, οὐδὲν ἧττον ὁ Πελοπίδας ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ 4τὴν στρατείαν,3 ὑπὸ τοῦ χρεὼν ἀγόμενος. ὡς δὲ κατήντησεν εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν, καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον

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plausible pretexts for punishing them, took the field 364/3 b.c. against Orchomenus, occupied the city, slew the male inhabitants and sold into slavery the women and children.

80. About this time the Thessalians, who continued the war upon Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and, suffering defeat in most of the battles, had lost large numbers of their fighting men, sent ambassadors to the Thebans with a request to assist them and to dispatch to them Pelopidas as general.1 For they knew that on account of his arrest2 by Alexander he was on very bad terms with the ruler, and besides, that he was a man of superior courage and widely renowned for his shrewdness in the art of war. When the common council of the Boeotians convened and the envoys had explained the matters on which they had been instructed, the Boeotians concurred with the Thessalians in every matter, gave Pelopidas seven thousand men and ordered him speedily to assist as requested; but as Pelopidas was hastening to leave with his army,3 the sun, as it happened, was eclipsed.4 Many were superstitious about the phenomenon, and some of the soothsayers declared that because of the withdrawal of the soldiers, the city’s “sun” had been eclipsed. Although in this interpretation they were foretelling the death of Pelopidas, he notwithstanding set out for the campaign, drawn on by Fate. When he arrived in Thessaly, and found that Alexander had

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κατέλαβε προκατειλημμένον τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους καὶ στρατιώτας ἔχοντα πλείους τῶν δισμυρίων, ἀντεστρατοπέδευσε μὲν τοῖς πολεμίοις, προσλαβόμενος δὲ συμμάχους παρὰ τῶν Θετταλῶν συνῆψε 5μάχην τοῖς ἐναντίοις. τοῦ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου διὰ τὰς ὑπεροχὰς τῶν τόπων πλεονεκτοῦντος, ὁ Πελοπίδας σπεύδων διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀνδρείας κρῖναι τὴν μάχην ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ὥρμησε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. τοῦ δὲ δυνάστου μετὰ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ὑποστάντος, ἐγένετο μάχη καρτερά, καθ᾿ ἣν ὁ Πελοπίδας ἀριστεύων πάντα τὸν περὶ αὐτὸν τόπον νεκρῶν κατέστρωσε, τέλος δ᾿ ἐπιθεὶς τῷ κινδύνῳ καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους τρεψάμενος τὴν μὲν νίκην περιεποιήσατο, τὸν δὲ αὑτοῦ βίον ἀπέβαλε,1 πολλοῖς περιπεσὼν τραύμασι 6καὶ τὸ ζῆν ἡρωικῶς προέμενος. ὁ δ᾿ Ἀλέξανδρος δευτέρᾳ μάχῃ λειφθεὶς2 καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις συντριβείς, ἠναγκάσθη καθ᾿ ὁμολογίαν τοῖς μὲν Θετταλοῖς τὰς καταπεπολεμημένας πόλεις ἀποδοῦναι, Μάγνητας δὲ καὶ τοὺς Φθιώτας Ἀχαιοὺς παραδοῦναι Βοιωτοῖς, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν Φερῶν μόνων3 ἄρχοντα σύμμαχον εἶναι Βοιωτοῖς.

81. Οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι περιβόητον νίκην ἀπενηνεγμένοι, πρὸς ἅπαντας ἔφασαν ἑαυτοὺς ἡττᾶσθαι4 διὰ τὴν Πελοπίδου τελευτήν· ἀξιόλογον γὰρ ἀπολωλεκότες ἄνδρα, κατὰ λόγον ἔκρινον τὴν νίκην ἥττονα ὑπάρχειν τῆς Πελοπίδου δόξης. πολλὰς γὰρ καὶ μεγάλας χρείας παρέσχετο τῇ πατρίδι, πλεῖστον δὲ συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν τῶν Θηβαίων

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forestalled him by occupying the commanding positions 364/3 b.c. and had more than twenty thousand1 men, he encamped opposite the enemy, and, strengthening his forces with allied troops from among the Thessalians, joined battle with his opponents. Although Alexander had the advantage by reason of his superior position, Pelopidas, eager to settle the battle by his own courage, charged Alexander himself. The ruler with a corps of picked men resisted, and a stubborn battle ensued, in the course of which Pelopidas, performing mighty deeds of valour, strewed all the ground about him with dead men, and though he brought the contest to a close, routed the enemy and won the victory, he yet lost his own life, suffering many wounds and heroically forfeiting his life. But Alexander, after being worsted in a second battle and utterly crushed, was compelled by agreement to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had reduced, to surrender the Magnesians and the Phthiotian Achaeans to the Boeotians, and for the future to be the ruler over Pherae alone as an ally of the Boeotians.

81. Although the Thebans had won a famous victory, they declared to the world that they were the losers because of the death of Pelopidas; for having lost such a remarkable man, they rightly judged the victory of less account than the fame of Pelopidas. Indeed he had done many great services to his country and had contributed more than any other man to the

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αὔξησιν. ἐν γὰρ τῇ τῶν φυγάδων κατηλύσει,1 καθ᾿ ἣν ἀνεκτήσαντο τὴν Καδμείαν, ὡμολογημένως ἅπαντες τούτῳ τὸ πρωτεῖον τοῦ κατορθώματος ἀπονέμουσιν. τὴν δ᾿ εὐημερίαν ταύτην συνέβη πάντων τῶν ὕστερον γενομένων ἀγαθῶν αἰτίαν 2γενέσθαι. ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Τεγύραν2 μάχῃ μόνος Πελοπίδας τῶν βοιωταρχῶν ἐνίκησε τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, πλεῖστον3 ἰσχύοντας τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὅτε διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς νίκης πρῶτον ἔστησαν Θηβαῖοι τρόπαιον κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίων. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην ἡγήσατο τοῦ ἱεροῦ λόχου, μεθ᾿ οὗ προεμβαλὼν τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ἀρχηγὸς ἐγένετο τῆς νίκης. ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐπὶ Λακεδαίμονα στρατείαις ἑπτὰ μὲν ἡγήσατο μυριάδων, πρὸς αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ τρόπαιον ἔστησε κατὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τῶν πάντα τὸν πρὸ τοῦ4 χρόνον ἀπορθήτων γεγενημένων. 3πρὸς δὲ τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα πρεσβεύσας ἐν ταῖς κοιναῖς ὁμολογίαις τὴν Μεσσήνην κατ᾿ ἰδίαν παρέλαβεν, ἣν ἀνάστατον οὖσαν ἔτη τριακόσια Θηβαῖοι πάλιν ἀποκατέστησαν. ἐπὶ τελευτῆς δὲ διαγωνισάμενος πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἔχοντα πολλαπλασίονα5 δύναμιν οὐ μόνον ἐπιφανῶς ἐνίκησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν θάνατον ἔσχεν ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ περιβόητον. 4πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πολίτας οὕτω καλῶς6 διετέθη, ὥστε

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rise of Thebes. For in the matter of the return of the 364/3 b.c. refugees,1 whereby he recaptured the Cadmeia, all men agree in attributing to him the principal credit for its success. And it turned out that this piece of good fortune was the cause of all the subsequent happy events. In the battle by Tegyra,2 Pelopidas alone of the boeotarchs won victory over the Lacedaemonians, the most powerful of the Greeks, the first occasion when on account of the importance of the victory the Thebans erected a trophy over the Lacedaemonians. In the battle of Leuctra he commanded the Sacred Band,3 with which he charged the Spartans first and thus was the primary cause of the victory. In the campaigns about Lacedaemon, he commanded seventy thousand men, and in the very territory of Sparta erected a trophy of victory over the Lacedaemonians, who never in all previous time had seen their land plundered.4 As ambassador to the Persian King he took Messenê under his personal charge in the general settlement, and though for three hundred years it had been stripped of inhabitants, the Thebans established it again.5 At the end of his life, in the contest with Alexander who had an army far outnumbering his, he not only gained a glorious victory, but also met his death with a courage that made it renowned.6 In his relations with his fellow citizens

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ἀπὸ τῆς εἰς τὰς Θήβας καθόδου τῶν φυγάδων1 μέχρι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τελευτῆς βοιωταρχῶν πάντα τὸν χρόνον διετελεσε, μηδενὸς ἄλλου τῶν πολιτῶν ταύτης ἠξιωμένου τῆς τιμῆς. Πελοπίδας μὲν οὖν, διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρετὴν ὑπὸ πάντων ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιωμένος, ἐχέτω καὶ παρ᾿ ἡμῶν τὸν διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ἔπαινον.

5Κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Κλέαρχος, τὸ γένος ὢν ἐξ Ἡρακλείας τῆς ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ, ἐπέθετο τυραννίδι· κρατήσας δὲ τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐζήλωσε μὲν τὴν διαγωγὴν τὴν Διονυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίων τυράννου,2 τυραννεύσας δὲ τῶν Ἡρακλεωτῶν ἐπιφανῶς 6ἦρξεν ἔτη δώδεκα. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Τιμόθεος ὁ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς ἔχων δύναμιν πεζήν3 τε καὶ ναυτικὴν Τορώνην μὲν καὶ Ποτίδαιαν πολιορκήσας εἷλε, Κυζικηνοῖς δὲ πολιορκουμένοις ἐβοήθησεν.

82. Τοῦ δ᾿ ἔτους τούτου διεληλυθότος Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦρχε Χαρικλείδης, ἐν Ῥώμῃ δ᾿ ὕπατοι κατεστάθησαν Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος Μάμερκος καὶ Λεύκιος Σέξτιος Λατερίας. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀρκάδες μετὰ Πισαίων κοινῇ τεθεικότες ὑπῆρχον τὸν ἀγῶνα

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he was so favourably treated that from the return of 364/3 b.c. the exiles to Thebes until his death he continued every year to hold the office of boeotarch,1 an honour accorded to no other citizen. So let Pelopidas, whose personal merits received the approbation of all, receive from us too the approbation of History.

At the same time, Clearchus, who was a native of Heracleia on the Black Sea, set out to win a tyranny, and when he had achieved his purpose, he emulated the methods of Dionysius tyrant of Syracuse, and after becoming tyrant of Heracleia ruled with conspicuous success for twelve years.2 While these things were going on Timotheüs, the Athenian general, commanding a force of both infantry and ships, besieged and took Toronê and Potidaea,3 and brought relief to Cyzicus,4 which was undergoing a siege.

82. When this year had ended, at Athens Charicleides5 363/2 b.c. became archon, and in Rome consuls were elected, Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Sextius Lateranus. During their term of office the Arcadians collaborating with the Pisans administered

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τῶν Ὀλυμπίων, καὶ ἐκυρίευον τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ χρημάτων. τῶν δὲ Μαντινέων ἀναλαβόντων εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους βίους οὐκ ὀλίγα τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἔσπευδον οἱ παρανομήσαντες διακατέχειν τὸν πρὸς Ἠλείους πόλεμον, ἵνα μὴ δῶσιν ἐν εἰρήνῃ 2λόγον τῶν ἀναλωθέντων. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων Ἀρκάδων βουλομένων συνθέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, στάσεις1 ἐκίνησαν πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς. γενομένων οὖν δυεῖν ἑταιριῶν, συνέβαινε τῆς μὲν τοὺς Τεγεάτας, τῆς 3δὲ τοὺς Μαντινεῖς ἡγεῖσθαι. ἐπὶ πολὺ δὲ τῆς διαφορᾶς αὐξηθείσης εἰς τὴν διὰ τῶν ὅπλων κρίσιν κατήντησαν, καὶ Τεγεᾶται μὲν πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς ἔπεισαν ἑαυτοῖς βοηθεῖν, οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσαντες Ἐπαμεινώνδαν καὶ δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον δόντες ἐξαπέστειλαν βοηθῆσαι τοῖς 4Τεγεάταις. οἱ δὲ Μαντινεῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Βοιωτίας δύναμιν καὶ τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου δόξαν καταπλαγέντες, πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροτάτους τῶν Βοιωτῶν Ἀθηναίους καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους πρέσβεις ἐκπέμψαντες ἔπεισαν συμμαχεῖν. ὧν ἀμφοτέρων ἁδρὰς δυνάμεις ταχέως ἀποστειλάντων, ἀγῶνες πολλοὶ καὶ 5μεγάλοι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον συνέστησαν. εὐθὺς οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν πλησίον οἰκοῦντες ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, Ἐπαμεινώνδας δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως προϊὼν καὶ τῆς Μαντινείας οὐ μακρὰν ἀπέχων ἐπύθετο παρὰ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι πανδημεὶ πορθοῦσι

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the Olympian games, and were masters of the temple 363/2 b.c. and the offerings deposited in it.1 Since the Manti-neians had appropriated for their own private uses a large number of the dedications, they were eager as transgressors for the war against the Eleians to continue, in order to avoid, if peace were restored, giving an account of their expenditures.2 But since the rest of the Arcadians wished to make peace, they stirred up strife against their fellow countrymen. Two parties accordingly sprang up, one headed by Tegea, and the other by Mantineia. Their quarrel assumed such proportions that they resorted to a decision by arms, and the Tegeans, having sent ambassadors to the Boeotians, won assistance for themselves, for the Boeotians appointed Epameinondas general, gave him a large army, and dispatched him to aid the Tegeans.3 The Mantineians, terrified at the army from Boeotia and the reputation of Epameinondas, sent envoys to the bitterest enemies of the Boeotians, the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, and prevailed upon them to fight on their side.4 And when both peoples had quickly sent in response strong armies, many heavy engagements took place in the Peloponnesus. Indeed the Lacedaemonians, living near at hand, immediately invaded Arcadia, but Epameinondas, advancing at this juncture with his army and being not far from Mantineia, learned from the inhabitants that the Lacedaemonians, in full force, were plundering the territory

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6τὴν τῶν Τεγεατῶν χώραν. ὑπολαβὼν οὖν ἔρημον εἶναι στρατιωτῶν τὴν Σπάρτην, ἐπεβάλετο μὲν μέγα τι πρᾶξαι, τὴν δὲ τύχην ἔσχεν ἀντιπράττουσαν. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ νυκτὸς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν Σπάρτην, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Ἆγις ὑποπτεύσας τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου κατεστοχάσατο μὲν τὸ μέλλον ἐμφρόνως, ἐξέπεμψε1 δέ τινας Κρῆτας ἡμεροδρόμους, δι᾿ ὧν καταταχήσας τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν τοῖς ἀπολελειμμένοις ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ ἐδήλωσε, διότι Βοιωτοὶ συντόμως ἥξουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα πορθήσοντες τὴν πόλιν, αὐτὸς δ᾿ ὡς ἂν τάχιστα δύναιτο μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἥξει βοηθήσων τῇ πατρίδι. ἐκέλευεν οὖν2 τοῖς ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ παραφυλάττειν τὴν πόλιν μηδὲν καταπεπληγμένους· ταχὺ γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐπιφανέντα βοηθήσειν.

83. Τῶν δὲ Κρητῶν συντόμως τὸ παραγγελθὲν ποιησάντων, παραδόξως οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς πατρίδος ἐξέφυγον· μὴ προδηλωθείσης γὰρ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως ἔλαθεν ἂν ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας εἰσπεσὼν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἐπίνοιαν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀμφοτέρων δικαίως ἄν τις ἀποδέξαιτο, συνετωτέραν δὲ στρατηγίαν τὴν τοῦ Λάκωνος3 2ἡγήσαιτο. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾿ ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὅλην τὴν νύκτα διαγρυπνήσας καὶ τὸ διάστημα τῆς ὁδοῦ κατὰ σπουδὴν διανύσας ἅμ᾿ ἡμέρᾳ προσῆγε τῇ Σπάρτῃ. ὁ δ᾿ ἐπὶ τῆς φυλακῆς ἀπολελειμμένος Ἀγησίλαος ὀλίγῳ πρότερον χρόνῳ τῶν Κρητῶν ἀκούσας τὰ κατὰ μέρος, εὐθὺς μετὰ πολλῆς

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of Tegea. Supposing then that Sparta was stripped 363/2 b.c. of soldiers, he planned a great stroke, but fortune worked against him. He himself set out by night to Sparta, but the Lacedaemonian king Agis, suspecting the cunning of Epameinondas, shrewdly guessed what he would do, and sent out some Cretan runners and through them forestalling Epameinondas got word to the men who had been left behind in Sparta that the Boeotians would shortly appear in Lacedaemon to sack the city, but that he himself would come as quickly as possible with his army to bring aid to his native land.1 So he gave orders for those who were in Sparta to watch over the city and be terrified at nothing, for he himself would soon appear with help.

83. The Cretans speedily carried out their orders, and the Lacedaemonians miraculously avoided the capture of their native land; for had not the attack been disclosed in advance, Epameinondas would have burst into Sparta undetected. We can justly praise the ingenuity of both generals, but should deem the strategy of the Laconian the shrewder. It is true that Epameinondas, without resting the entire night, covered the distance at top speed and at daybreak attacked Sparta. But Agesilaüs, who had been left on guard and had learned only shortly before from the Cretans all about the enemy’s plan, straightway

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σπουδῆς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιήσατο τῆς πόλεως. 3τοὺς μὲν οὖν πρεσβυτάτους τῶν παίδων καὶ τοὺς γεγηρακότας ἐπὶ τὰ στέγη1 τῶν οἰκιῶν ἀνεβίβασε καὶ προσέταξεν ἀπὸ τούτων ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν βιαζομένους, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀκμάζοντας ταῖς ἡλικίαις συντάξας διεμέρισεν εἰς τὰς πρὸ τῆς πόλεως δυσχωρίας καὶ παρόδους, καὶ πάντας τοὺς δυναμένους τόπους δέξασθαι δίοδον ἐμφράξας ἀνέμενε 4τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον. Ἐπαμεινώνδας δ᾿ εἰς πλείω μέρη διελόμενος τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ πάντῃ προσπίπτων κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρόν, ὡς εἶδε τὴν τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν σύνταξιν, εὐθὺς ἔγνω μεμηνυμένην τὴν πρᾶξιν· ὅμως δὲ προσμαχόμενος πᾶσι κατὰ μέρος καὶ ταῖς δυσχωρίαις ἐλαττούμενος 5συνῆπτεν εἰς χεῖρας. πολλὰ δὲ παθὼν καὶ δράσας οὐκ ἀπέστη τῆς φιλοτιμίας, ἕως τὸ στράτευμα2 τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην· πολλῶν δὲ βοηθούντων τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις καὶ τῆς νυκτὸς καταλαβούσης, ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν.

84. Πυθόμενος δὲ παρὰ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ὅτι Μαντινεῖς πανδημεὶ πάρεισι βοηθοῦντες τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, τότε μὲν ἀναχωρήσας μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως κατεστρατοπέδευσεν· παραγγείλας δὲ δειπνοποιεῖσθαι, καταλιπὼν τῶν ἱππέων τινάς, τούτοις μὲν παρήγγειλεν ἕως3 ἑωθινῆς φυλακῆς πυρὰ καίειν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀφορμήσας ἔσπευσεν ἄφνω προσπεσεῖν4 2τοῖς ἀπολελειμμένοις ἐν τῇ Μαντινείᾳ. τῇ δ᾿ ὑστεραίᾳ πολλὴν διανύσας ὁδὸν ἄφνω τοῖς Μαντινεῦσιν ἀνελπίστως ἐπέρραξεν, οὐ μὴν ἐκράτησε

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devoted his utmost energy to the care of the city’s 363/2 b.c. defence. He placed the oldest children and the aged on the roofs of the houses and instructed them from there to defend themselves against the enemy if he forced a way into the city, while he himself lined up the men in the prime of life and apportioned them to the obstacles in front of the city and to the approaches, and, having blocked all places that could offer passage, he awaited the attack of the enemy. Epameinondas, after dividing his soldiers into several columns, attacked everywhere at once, but when he saw the disposition of the Spartans, he knew immediately that his move had been revealed. Nevertheless he made the assault on all the positions one after the other, and, though he was at a disadvantage because of the obstacles, closed in a hand-to-hand combat. Many a blow he received and dealt and did not call off the zealous rivalry until the army of the Lacedaemonians re-entered Sparta. Then as many came to the assistance of the besieged and night intervened, he desisted from the siege.

84. Having learned from his captives that the Mantineians had come in full force to assist the Lacedaemonians, Epameinondas then withdrew a short distance from the city and encamped, and having given orders to prepare mess, he left some of the horsemen and ordered them to burn fires in the camp until the morning watch, while he himself set out with his army and hurried to fall suddenly on those who had been left in Mantineia. Having covered much ground on the next day, he suddenly broke in on the Mantineians when they were not expecting it. However,

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τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, καίπερ ἅπαντα τῇ στρατηγίᾳ προνοησάμενος, ἀλλὰ τὴν τύχην λαβὼν ἀντιπράττουσαν παραδόξως ἀπέβαλε τὴν νίκην. ἄρτι γὰρ αὐτοῦ πλησιάζοντος ἐρήμῳ τῇ πόλει κατήντησαν ἐπὶ θάτερα τῆς Μαντινείας οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατιῶται πρὸς τὴν συμμαχίαν, ὄντες ἑξακισχίλιοι, στρατηγὸν δ᾿ ἔχοντες Ἡγησίλεων,1 ἄνδρα τότε2 παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις ἐπαινούμενον. οὗτος δὲ τοὺς ἱκανοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρεισαγαγών, τὴν ἄλλην δύναμιν ἐξέταξεν ὡς μάχῃ διακριθησόμενος.3 3εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Μαντινεῖς ἐπεφάνησαν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν ἅπαντες κατεσκευάζοντο4 καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν συμμάχους 4μετεπέμποντο. τοῖς μὲν οὖν Μαντινεῦσιν ἐβοήθουν Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ἄλλοι τινές, ὧν ὁ σύμπας ἀριθμὸς ἦν πεζοὶ μὲν πλείους τῶν δισμυρίων ἱππεῖς δὲ περὶ δισχιλίους· τοῖς δὲ Τεγεάταις συνεμάχουν οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ κράτιστοι τῶν Ἀρκάδων καὶ Ἀχαιοὶ5 καὶ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καί τινες ἕτεροι τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν συμμάχων, οἱ δὲ πάντες ἠθροίσθησαν πεζοὶ μὲν ὑπὲρ τοὺς τρισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δ᾿ οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν τρισχιλίων.

85. Ἀμφοτέρων δὲ προθύμως συγκαταβάντων6 εἰς τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀγῶνα, καὶ διαταχθέντων

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he did not succeed in his attempt, although by 363/2 b.c. his plan of campaign he had provided for every contingency, but, finding Fate opposed to him, contrary to his expectations he lost the victory. For just as he was approaching the unprotected city, on the opposite side of Mantineia there arrived the reinforcements sent by Athens,1 six thousand in number with Hegesileôs2 their general, a man at that time renowned amongst his fellow citizens. He introduced an adequate force into the city and arrayed the rest of the army in expectation of a decisive battle. And presently the Lacedaemonians and Mantineians made their appearance as well, whereat all got ready for the contest which was to decide the issue and summoned their allies from every direction. On the side of the Mantineians were the Eleians, Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and a few others, who numbered all told more than twenty thousand foot and about two thousand horse. On the side of the Tegeans the most numerous and bravest of the Arcadians were ranged as allies, also Achaeans,3 Boeotians, Argives, some other Pelopon-nesians, and allies from outside, and all in all there were assembled above thirty thousand foot and not less than three thousand horse.

85. Both sides eagerly drew together for the decisive conflict,4 their armies in battle formation, while

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τῶν στρατοπέδων, οἱ μὲν μάντεις1 σφαγιασάμενοι παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις ἀπεφαίνοντο τὴν νίκην ὑπὸ τῶν 2θεῶν προφαινομένην· κατὰ δὲ τὴν τάξιν2 Μαντινεῖς μὲν μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων Ἀρκάδων τὸ δεξιὸν ἐπεῖχον κέρας, ἔχοντες παραστάτας καὶ συναγωνιστὰς Λακεδαιμονίους, τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς ἦσαν Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Ἀχαιοί, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ καταδεέστεροι τὴν μέσην3 ἐπεῖχον τάξιν· τὸ δ᾿ εὐώνυμον κέρας ἀνεπλήρουν Ἀθηναῖοι. Θηβαῖοι δ᾿ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας ἐτάχθησαν, παραστάτας ἔχοντες Ἀρκάδας, τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν παρέδωκαν Ἀργείοις· τὸ δὲ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἀνεπλήρου τὴν μέσην τάξιν, Εὐβοεῖς καὶ Λοκροὶ καὶ Σικυώνιοι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Μαλιεῖς καὶ Αἰνιᾶνες, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Θετταλοὶ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ σύμμαχοι. τοὺς δ᾿ ἱππεῖς ἐφ᾿ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων ἀμφότεροι διείλοντο. 3τῶν δὲ στρατευμάτων τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον τεταγμένων, ὡς ἤδη πλησίον ὑπῆρχον ἀλλήλων, αἱ μὲν σάλπιγγες τὸ πολεμικὸν ἐσήμαινον, αἱ δὲ δυνάμεις ἠλάλαξαν καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς βοῆς τὴν νίκην ἐσήμαινον. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἱππομαχίαν ἐν τοῖς κέρασι συνεστήσαντο, καθ᾿ ἣν ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις 4ἑαυτοὺς ὑπερεβάλοντο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἱππεῖς τοῖς τῶν Θηβαίων ἐπελάσαντες ἠλαττοῦντο οὐχ οὕτω ταῖς τῶν ἵππων4 ἀρεταῖς οὐδὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις εὐψυχίαις οὐδὲ ταῖς κατὰ τὴν ἱππικὴν ἐμπειρίαις· ἐν γὰρ τούτοις ἅπασιν οὐκ ἦν καταδεέστερον τὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἱππικόν· τῷ δὲ πλήθει καὶ τῇ παρασκευῇ τῶν ψιλῶν5 καὶ τῇ στρατηγικῇ συντάξει πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων ἐλείποντο. αὐτοὶ μὲν οὖν6 ὀλίγους εἶχον ἀκοντιστάς, οἱ δὲ

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the soothsayers, having sacrificed on both sides, declared 363/2 b.c. that victory was foreshadowed by the gods. In the disposition of forces the Mantineians with the rest of the Arcadians occupied the right wing with the Lacedaemonians as their neighbours and supporters, and next to these were Eleians and Achaeans; and the weaker of the remaining forces occupied the centre, while the Athenians filled the left wing. The Thebans themselves had their post on the left wing, supported by the Arcadians, while they entrusted the right to the Argives. The remaining multitude filled the middle of the line: Euboeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Messenians, Malians, Aenianians, together with Thessalians and the remaining allies. Both sides divided the cavalry and placed contingents on each wing. Such was the array of the armaments, and now as they approached one another, the trumpets sounded the battle charge, the armies raised the battle shout, and by the very volume of their cries betokened their victory. At first they engaged in a cavalry battle on the flanks in which they outbid each other in keen rivalry. Now as the Athenian horse attacked the Theban they suffered defeat not so much because of the quality of their mounts nor yet on the score of the riders’ courage or experience in horsemanship, for in none of these departments was the Athenian cavalry deficient; but it was in the numbers and equipment of the light-armed troops and in their tactical skill that they were far inferior to their opponents. Indeed they had only a few javelin-throwers,

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Θηβαῖοι τριπλασίους σφενδονήτας καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς τοὺς ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὴν Θετταλίαν τόπων ἀπεσταλμένους. 5οὗτοι περιττότερον ἐκ παίδων ζηλοῦντες τὴν ἐν τούτοις μάχην, μεγάλην ῥοπὴν ποιεῖν εἰώθεισαν1 ἐν ταῖς μάχαις διὰ τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἐμπειρίαν. διόπερ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι κατατιτρωσκόμενοι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν2 ψιλικῶν, καταπονούμενοι δ᾿ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθεστηκότων, 6ἅπαντες ἐτράπησαν. τὴν δὲ φυγὴν ἐκτὸς τῶν κεράτων ποιησάμενοι διωρθώσαντο τὴν ἧτταν· ἅμα μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν οὐκ ἐτάραξαν τὴν ἰδίαν φάλαγγα, ἅμα δὲ περιπεσόντες Εὐβοεῦσι καὶ μισθοφόροις τισὶν ἀπεσταλμένοις ἐπὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τῶν πλησίον λόφων, συνάψαντες 7αὐτοῖς μάχην ἅπαντας ἀπέκτειναν. οἱ δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων ἱππεῖς τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας οὐκ ἐπεδίωξαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων ἐπελάσαντες ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο παραλλάξαι τοὺς πεζούς. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ μάχης γενομένης, καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καταπονουμένων καὶ πρὸς φυγὴν ὁρμησάντων, ὁ τῶν Ἠλείων ἵππαρχος ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας τεταγμένος ἐπεβοήθησε τοῖς φεύγουσι, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν Βοιωτῶν καταβαλὼν παλίντροπον ἐποίησε τὴν μάχην. 8οἱ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἠλείων ἱππεῖς τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐπιφανέντες τῷ λαιῷ κέρατι τὸ γεγονὸς περὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐλάττωμα διωρθώσαντο· ἐπὶ δὲ θατέρου κέρατος ἐπιρραξάντων ἀλλήλοις τῶν ἱππέων βραχὺν χρόνον ἡ μάχη διέμεινεν ἰσόρροπος, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διά τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ Θετταλῶν ἱππέων οἱ μετὰ τῶν Μαντινέων ὄντες ἐβιάσθησαν, καὶ συχνοὺς ἀποβαλόντες κατέφυγον πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν φάλαγγα.

86. Ἡ μὲν οὖν τῶν παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις ἱππέων

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whereas the Thebans had three times as many slingers 363/2 b.c. and javelin-throwers sent them from the regions about Thessaly. These people practised from boyhood assiduously this type of fighting and consequently were wont to exercise great weight in battles because of their experience in handling these missiles. Consequently the Athenians, who were continually being wounded by the light-armed and were harried to exhaustion by the opponents who confronted them, all turned and fled. But having fled beyond the flanks, they managed to retrieve their defeat, for even in their retreat they did not break their own phalanx, and encountering simultaneously the Euboeans and certain mercenaries who had been dispatched to seize the heights near by, they gave battle and slew them all. Now the Theban horse did not follow up the fugitives, but, assailing the phalanx opposing them, strove zealously to outflank the infantry. The battle was a hot one; the Athenians were exhausted and had turned to flee, when the Eleian cavalry-commander, assigned to the rear, came to the aid of the fugitives and, by striking down many Boeotians, reversed the course of the battle. So while the Eleian cavalry by their appearance in this fashion on the left wing retrieved the defeat their allies had sustained, on the other flank both cavalry forces lashed at one another and the battle hung for a short time in the balance, but then, because of the number and valour of the Boeotian and Thessalian horsemen, the contingents on the Mantineian side were forced back, and with considerable loss took refuge with their own phalanx. 86. Now the cavalry battle had the foregoing issue.

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μάχη τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος· αἱ δὲ πεζαὶ1 δυνάμεις ὡς συνῆλθον εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς πολεμίοις, μεγάλους καὶ θαυμαστοὺς ἀγῶνας συνεστήσαντο. οὐδέποτε γὰρ Ἑλλήνων πρὸς Ἕλληνας ἀγωνιζομένων οὔτε πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν τοσοῦτο παρετάξατο οὔθ᾿ ἡγεμόνες ἀξιολογώτεροι τοῖς ἀξιώμασιν οὔτε ἄνδρες δυνατώτεροι τὰς ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἀνδραγαθίας2 ἐπεδείξαντο. 2οἱ γὰρ πεζομαχεῖν ἄριστα δυνάμενοι κατὰ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιρούς, Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ τὴν τάξιν ἀνθεστηκότες πρῶτον μάχη συνῆψαν, οὐδεμίαν φειδὼ ποιούμενοι τοῦ ζῆν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τύπτοντες ἀλλήλους τοῖς δόρασι, καὶ διὰ τὴν πυκνότητα τῶν πληγῶν τὰ πλεῖστα συντρίψαντες, εἰς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μαχαίρας 3ἀγῶνα κατήντησαν. συμπλεκόμενοι δὲ τοῖς σώμασι καὶ παντοίας διαθέσεις τραυμάτων ἀπεργαζόμενοι τοῖς θυμοῖς οὐκ ἔληγον· ἐπὶ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον τοῖς δεινοῖς ἐγκαρτερούντων διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς παρ᾿ ἑκατέροις ἀνδραγαθίας οὐδεμίαν ῥοπὴν ἐλάμβανεν3 ἡ μάχη. ἕκαστος γὰρ τοῦ παθεῖν τι δεινὸν καταφρονῶν, τοῦ δὲ δρᾶσαί τι λαμπρὸν ἐφιέμενος, εὐγενῶς ἀνεδέχετο τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς δόξης θάνατον. 4ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ μάχης ἐπὶ πολύν τε χρόνον γινομένης καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου μηδεμίαν ῥοπὴν λαμβάνοντος, ὁ μὲν Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὑπολαβὼν τῆς ἰδίας ἀρετῆς προσδεῖσθαι τὴν νίκην, ἔγνω δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ κρῖναι τὸν κίνδυνον. εὐθὺς οὖν ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ μετὰ τούτων συμφράξας, εἰσέβαλεν εἰς μέσους τοὺς πολεμίους· καθηγούμενος δὲ τοῦ συντάγματος, καὶ πρῶτος ἀκοντίσας, ἔβαλε τὸν ἡγούμενον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων. 5εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχομένων, οὓς μὲν ἀνελών, οὓς δὲ καταπληξάμενος,

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But when the infantry forces closed with the enemy in 363/2 b.c. hand-to-hand combat, a mighty, stupendous struggle ensued. For never at any other time when Greeks fought Greeks was such a multitude of men arrayed, nor did generals of greater repute or men more competent ever display such gallantry in battle. For the most capable foot-soldiers of that time, Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, whose lines were drawn up facing one another, began the contest, exposing their lives to every risk. After the first exchange of spears in which most were shattered by the very density of the missiles, they engaged with swords. And although their bodies were all locked with one another and they were inflicting all manner of wounds, yet they did not leave off; and for a long time as they persisted in their terrible work, because of the superlative courage displayed on each side, the battle hung poised. For each man, disregarding the risk of personal hurt, but desirous rather of performing some brilliant deed, would nobly accept death as the price of glory. As the battle raged severely for a long time and the conflict took no turn in favour of either side, Epameinondas, conceiving that victory called for the display of his own valour also, decided to be himself the instrument to decide the issue. So he immediately took his best men, grouped them in close formation and charged into the midst of the enemy; he led his battalion in the charge and was the first to hurl his javelin, and hit the commander of the Lacedaemonians. Then, as the rest of his men also came immediately into close quarters with the foe, he slew some, threw others into

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διέκοψε τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου καὶ τὸ βάρος τοῦ περὶ αὐτὸν συστήματος καταπλαγέντες ἀνεχώρουν ἐκ τῆς μάχης· ἐπικειμένων δὲ τῶν Βοιωτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐσχάτους αἰεὶ φονευόντων, νεκρῶν ἐσωρεύθη πλῆθος.

87. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι θεωροῦντες Ἐπαμεινώνδαν προθυμότερον προπίπτοντα1 τῷ θυμῷ, συνέδραμον ἐπ᾿ αὐτόν. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ πυκνῶν φερομένων βελῶν, τὰ μὲν ἐξένευε, τὰ δὲ διεκρούετο, τινὰ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ἐξαιρῶν τούτοις ἠμύνετο τοὺς ἐπιφερομένους. ἡρωικῶς δ᾿ ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης ἀγωνισάμενος καιρίαν ἔλαβε πληγὴν εἰς τὸν θώρακα. κλασθέντος δὲ τοῦ δόρατος, καὶ τοῦ σιδήρου καταλειφθέντος ἐν τῷ σώματι, παραχρῆμα ἔπεσε κατισχυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς. περὶ δὲ τοῦ σώματος ἐμπεσούσης φιλοτιμίας, καὶ πολλῶν παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις ἀναιρεθέντων, μόγις οἱ Θηβαῖοι τῇ ῥώμῃ τῶν σωμάτων προέχοντες κατεπόνησαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. 2φυγῆς δὲ γενομένης, οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ βραχὺν ἐπιδιώξαντες χρόνον ἀνέστρεψαν, ἀναγκαιότατον ἡγούμενοι τὸ κυριεῦσαι τῶν νεκρῶν. ἀνακαλεσαμένων οὖν τῶν σαλπιγκτῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἅπαντες τῆς μάχης ἀπέστησαν, καὶ τρόπαιον ἀμφότεροι 3στήσαντες ἠμφεσβήτουν2 τῆς νίκης. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι νενικηκότες τοὺς περὶ τὸν λόφον Εὐβοεῖς καὶ μισθοφόρους κύριοι τῶν νεκρῶν ὑπῆρχον, οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπὸ κράτους ἡττηκότες καὶ κρατοῦντες τῶν πεπτωκότων 4προσένεμον ἑαυτοῖς τὴν νίκην. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν χρόνον τινὰ περὶ τῆς τῶν νεκρῶν ἀναιρέσεως οὐδέτεροι

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a panic, and broke through the enemy phalanx. The 363/2 b.c. Lacedaemonians, overawed by the prestige of Epameinondas and by the sheer weight of the contingent he led, withdrew from the battle, but the Boeotians kept pressing the attack and continually slaying any men who were in the rear rank, so that a multitude of corpses was piled up.

87. As for the Lacedaemonians, when they saw that Epameinondas in the fury of battle was pressing for-ward too eagerly, they charged him in a body. As the missiles flew thick and fast about him, he dodged some, others he fended off, still others he pulled from his body and used to ward off his attackers. But while struggling heroically for the victory, he received a mortal wound in the chest. As the spear broke and the iron point was left in his body, he fell of a sudden, his strength sapped by the wound. About his body a rivalry ensued in which many were slain on both sides, but at last with difficulty by their superiority in bodily strength, the Thebans wore the Lacedaemonians out. As the latter turned and fled, the Boeotians pursued for a short time but turned back, considering it most essential to take possession of the bodies of the dead. So, when the trumpeters sounded recall for their men, all withdrew from battle and both sides set up trophies claiming the victory. In fact the Athenians had defeated the Euboeans and mercenaries in the battle for the heights and were in possession of the dead; while the Boeotians, because they had overpowered the Lacedaemonians and were in possession of the dead, were for awarding the victory to themselves. So for a long time neither side sent envoys to recover its dead,

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διεπρεσβεύσαντο, ἵνα μὴ δόξωσιν ἐκχωρεῖν τοῦ πρωτείου· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρώτων ἐπικηρυκευσαμένων περὶ τῆς τῶν νεκρῶν 5ἀναιρέσεως ἀμφότεροι τοὺς ἰδίους ἔθαψαν. Ἐπαμεινώνδας δ᾿ ἔτι ζῶν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ἀπηνέχθη, καὶ τῶν συγκληθέντων ἰατρῶν ἀποφηναμένων, ὅτι πάντως, ὅταν ἐκ τοῦ θώρακος ἐξαιρεθῇ τὸ δόρυ, συμβήσεται καὶ τὸν θάνατον ἐπακολουθῆσαι, εὐψυχότατα τὴν1 τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν ἐποιήσατο. 6πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν προσκαλεσάμενος ἐπηρώτησεν εἰ διασέσωκε τὴν ἀσπίδα. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος καὶ θέντος αὐτὴν πρὸ τῆς ὁράσεως, πάλιν ἐπηρώτησε πότεροι νενικήκασιν. ἀποφαινομένου δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς ὅτι Βοιωτοὶ νενικήκασιν, Ὥρα, φησίν, ἐστὶ τελευτᾶν, καὶ προσέταξεν ἐκσπάσαι τὸ δόρυ. ἀναβοησάντων δὲ τῶν παρόντων φίλων, καί τινος εἰπόντος ὅτι Τελευτᾷς ἄτεκνος, Ἐπαμεινώνδα, καὶ δακρύσαντος, Μὰ Δία μέν, φησίν, ἀλλὰ καταλείπω δύο θυγατέρας, τήν τε ἐν Λεύκτροις νίκην καὶ τὴν ἐν Μαντινείᾳ. καὶ τοῦ δόρατος ἐξαιρεθέντος ἄνευ πάσης ταραχῆς ἐξέπνευσεν.

88. Ἡμεῖς δ᾿ εἰωθότες ταῖς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τελευταῖς ἐπιλέγειν τὸν ἴδιον ἔπαινον, οὐδαμῶς ἁρμόττον ἡγούμεθα παραδραμεῖν ἀνδρὸς τηλικούτου τὴν τελευτὴν ἀνεπισήμαντον. δοκεῖ γάρ μοι μὴ μόνον τοὺς καθ᾿ ἑαυτὸν ὑπερβάλλειν ἐν τῇ στρατηγικῇ συνέσει καὶ ἐμπειρίᾳ, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις 2ἐπιεικείᾳ τε καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ. κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν τούτου γεγόνασιν ἄνδρες ἐπιφανεῖς Πελοπίδας τε Θηβαῖος2 καὶ Τιμόθεος καὶ Κόνων,

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in order that it should not appear to yield the primacy; 368/2 b.c. but later, when the Lacedaemonians were the first to have sent a herald to ask for the recovery of their dead, each side buried its own. Epameinondas, however, was carried back to camp still living, and the physicians were summoned, but when they declared that undoubtedly as soon as the spear-point should be drawn from his chest, death would ensue, with supreme courage he met his end. For first summoning his armour-bearer he asked him if he had saved his shield. On his replying yes and placing it before his eyes, he again asked, which side was victorious. At the boy’s answer that the Boeotians were victorious, he said, “It is time to die,” and directed them to withdraw the spear point. His friends present cried out in protest, and one of them said: “You die childless, Epameinondas,” and burst into tears. To this he replied, “No, by Zeus, on the contrary I leave behind two daughters, Leuctra and Mantineia, my victories.”1 Then when the spear point was withdrawn, without any commotion he breathed his last.

88. For us who are wont to accord to the demise of great men the appropriate meed of praise, it would be most unfitting, so we think, to pass by the death of a man of such stature with no word of note. For it seems to me that he surpassed his contemporaries not only in skill and experience in the art of war, but in reasonableness and magnanimity as well. For among the generation of Epameinondas were famous men: Pelopidas the Theban, Timotheüs and Conon,

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ἔτι δὲ Χαβρίας τε καὶ Ἰφικράτης οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἀγησίλαος ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, βραχὺ τοῖς χρόνοις προτερῶν1· ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρὸ τοῦ2 χρόνοις, ἐπὶ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ Περσικῶν καιρῶν, Σόλων καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς καὶ Μιλτιάδης, ἔτι δὲ Κίμων καὶ Μυρωνίδης καὶ Περικλῆς καί τινες ἕτεροι παρὰ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν Γέλων ὁ 3Δεινομένους καί τινες ἕτεροι. ἀλλ᾿ ὅμως εἴ τις συγκρίναι τὰς τούτων ἀρετὰς τῇ Ἐπαμεινώνδου στρατηγίᾳ τε καὶ δόξῃ, πολὺ ἂν προέχουσαν εὕροι τὴν περὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἀρετήν. παρὰ μὲν γὰρ ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἓν ἂν εὕροι προτέρημα τῆς δόξης, παρὰ δὲ τούτῳ πάσας τὰς ἀρετὰς ἠθροισμένας. καὶ γὰρ ῥώμῃ σώματος καὶ λόγου δεινότητι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ψυχῆς λαμπρότητι καὶ μισαργυρίᾳ καὶ ἐπιεικείᾳ, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ στρατηγικῇ συνέσει πολὺ διήνεγκε πάντων. 4τοιγαροῦν ἡ πατρὶς αὐτοῦ ζῶντος μὲν ἐκτήσατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, τελευτήσαντος δὲ ταύτης ἐστερήθη καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἀεὶ μεταβολῆς ἐπειράθη, καὶ πέρας διὰ τὴν ἀφροσύνην τῶν ἡγουμένων ἀνδραποδισμοῦ καὶ κατασκαφῆς ἔλαβε πεῖραν. Ἐπαμεινώνδας μὲν οὖν παρὰ πᾶσι περιβόητον ἔχων τὴν ἀρετήν, τοιαύτης ἔτυχε καταστροφῆς τοῦ βίου.

89. Οἱ δ᾿ Ἕλληνες μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἀμφισβητουμένην ἔχοντες τὴν νίκην καὶ ταῖς ἀνδραγαθίαις ἐφάμιλλοι καθεστῶτες, ἔτι δὲ τῇ συνεχείᾳ τῶν κινδύνων καταπονούμενοι, διελύσαντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους. συνθέμενοι δὲ κοινὴν εἰρήνην καὶ συμμαχίαν, κατέταττον ἐν τῇ συμμαχίᾳ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. 2οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ τὴν πρὸς τούτους ἀκατάλλακτον

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also Chabrias and Iphicrates, Athenians all, and, 363/2 b.c. besides, Agesilaüs the Spartan, who belonged to a slightly older generation. Still earlier than these, in the times of the Medes and Persians, there were Solon, Themistocles, Miltiades, and Cimon, Myroni-des, and Pericles and certain others in Athens, and in Sicily Gelon, son of Deinomenes, and still others. All the same, if you should compare the qualities of these with the generalship and reputation of Epameinondas, you would find the qualities possessed by Epameinondas far superior. For in each of the others you would discover but one particular superiority as a claim to fame; in him, however, all qualities combined. For in strength of body and eloquence of speech, furthermore in elevation of mind, contempt of lucre, fairness, and, most of all, in courage and shrewdness in the art of war, he far surpassed them all. So it was that in his lifetime his native country acquired the primacy of Hellas, but when he died lost it and constantly suffered change for the worse and finally, because of the folly of its leaders, experienced slavery and devastation. So Epameinondas, whose valour was approved among all men, in the manner we have shown met his death.

89. The states of Greece after the battle, since the victory credited to them all was in dispute and they had proved to be evenly matched in the matter of valour, and, furthermore, were now exhausted by the unbroken series of battles, came to terms with one another. When they had agreed upon a general peace and alliance, they sought to include the Messenians in the compact. But the Lacedaemonians, because

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ἀλλοτριότητα τῶν σπονδῶν οὐ προείλοντο κοινωνεῖν1 καὶ μόνοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπῆρχον ἔκσπονδοι.

3Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Ξενοφῶν μὲν ὁ Ἀθηναῖος τὴν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν σύνταξιν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν κατέστροφεν2 ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου τελευτήν· Ἀναξιμένης δὲ ὁ Λαμψακηνὸς τὴν πρώτην τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἀνέγραψεν ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ θεογονίας καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου γένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων, κατέστροφε δ᾿ εἰς τὴν ἐν Μαντινείᾳ μάχην καὶ τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου τελευτήν· περιέλαβε δὲ πάσας σχεδὸν τάς τε τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων πράξεις ἐν βύβλοις δώδεκα. Φίλιστος δὲ τὰ περὶ Διονύσιον τὸν νεώτερον ὧδε κατέστροφε, διελθὼν ἔτη πέντε ἐν βύβλοις δυσίν.

90. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Μόλωνος ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατεστάθησαν ὕπατοι Λεύκιος Γενούκιος καὶ Κόιντος Σερουίλιος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων οἱ τὴν παράλιον οἰκοῦντες τῆς Ἀσίας ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ Περσῶν, καί τινες τῶν σατραπῶν καὶ στρατηγῶν ἐπαναστάντες 2πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην. ὁμοίως δὲ τούτοις καὶ Ταχὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων κρίνας πολεμεῖν τοῖς Πέρσαις, ναῦς τε κατεσκεύασε καὶ πεζὰς3 δυνάμεις ἤθροισεν. πολλοὺς δὲ ξενολογήσας

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of the irreconcilable quarrel with them, chose not to 363/2 b.c. be parties to the truce and alone of the Greeks remained out of it.1

Among the historians Xenophon the Athenian brings the narrative of “Greek Affairs”2 down into this year, closing it with the death of Epameinondas, while Anaximenes of Lampsacus, who composed the “First Inquiry of Greek Affairs”3 beginning with the birth of the gods and the first generation of man, closed it with the battle of Mantineia and the death of Epameinondas. He included practically all the doings of the Greeks and non-Greeks in twelve volumes. And Philistus4 brought his history of Dionysius the Younger down to this year, narrating the events of five years in two volumes.

90. When Molon was archon at Athens, in Rome 362/1 b.c. there were elected as consuls Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius. During their term of office the inhabitants of the Asiatic coast revolted from Persia, and some of the satraps and generals rising in insurrection made war on Artaxerxes.5 At the same time Tachôs the Egyptian king decided to fight the Persians and prepared ships and gathered infantry forces.6

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ἐκ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ἔπεισε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους συμμαχεῖν· οἱ γὰρ Σπαρτιᾶται πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην ἀλλοτρίως εἶχον διὰ τὸ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην κατατετάχθαι. τηλικαύτης δὲ συνδρομῆς κατὰ τῶν Περσῶν γενομένης, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς παρεσκευάζετο τὰ πρὸς τὸν 3πόλεμον. ὑπὸ γὰρ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἔδει πρός τε τὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα πολεμεῖν καὶ πρὸς τὰς1 κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς τούτων συμμάχους, σατράπας καὶ στρατηγοὺς τοὺς ἄρχοντας μὲν τῶν παραθαλαττίων τόπων, συντεθειμένους δὲ κοινοπραγίαν· ὧν ἦσαν ἐπιφανέστατοι Ἀριοβαρζάνης μὲν ὁ τῆς Φρυγίας σατράπης, ὃς καὶ Μιθριδάτου τελευτήσαντος τῆς

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Having procured many mercenaries from the Greek 362/1 b.c. cities, he persuaded the Lacedaemonians likewise to fight with him, for the Spartans were estranged from Artaxerxes because the Messenians had been included by the King on the same terms as the other Greeks in the general peace. When the general uprising against the Persians reached such large proportions, the King also began making preparations for the war. For at one and the same time he must needs fight the Egyptian king, the Greek cities of Asia, the Lacedaemonians and the allies of these,—satraps and generals who ruled the coastal districts and had agreed upon making common cause with them. Of these the most distinguished were Ariobarzanes,1 satrap of Phrygia, who at the death of Mithridates had taken

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τούτου βασιλείας κεκυριευκὼς ἦν, Μαύσωλος δὲ Καρίας δυναστεύων καὶ πολλῶν ἐρυμάτων καὶ πόλεων ἀξιολόγων κυριεύων ὧν ἑστίαν καὶ μητρόπολιν συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὴν Ἁλικαρνασσόν, ἔχουσαν ἀκρόπολιν ἀξιόλογον καὶ τὰ τῆς Καρίας βασίλεια· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ὀρόντης μὲν τῆς Μυσίας σατράπης, Αὐτοφραδάτης δὲ Λυδίας· τῶν δὲ Ἰώνων ἄνευ1 Λύκιοί τε καὶ Πισίδαι καὶ Παμφύλιοι καὶ Κίλικες, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Σύροι καὶ Φοίνικες καὶ σχεδὸν 4πάντες οἱ παραθαλάσσιοι. τηλικαύτης δ᾿ οὔσης ἀποστάσεως, τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῶν προσόδων τῷ βασιλεῖ κατελέλυτο, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν οὐχ ἱκανὸν ἦν εἰς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου χρείας.

91. Οἱ δ᾿ ἀφεστηκότες τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων διοίκησιν εἵλοντο στρατηγὸν Ὀρόντην. οὗτος δὲ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ χρήματα πρὸς ξενολογίαν, δισμυρίοις στρατιώταις ἐνιαύσιον μισθόν, ἐγένετο προδότης τῶν πιστευσάντων. ὑπολαβὼν γὰρ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως δωρεῶν τε μεγάλων τεύξεσθαι καὶ τῆς παραθαλασσίου πάσης παραλήψεσθαι τὴν σατραπείαν, ἐὰν ἐγχειρίσῃ τοῖς Πέρσαις

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possession of his kingdom, and Mausolus,1 overlord of 362/1 b.c. Caria, who was master of many strongholds and important cities of which the hearth and mother city was Halicarnassus, which possessed a famous acropolis and the royal palace of Caria; and, in addition to the two already mentioned, Orontes,2 satrap of Mysia, and Autophradates,3 satrap of Lydia. Apart from the lonians were Lycians, Pisidians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians, likewise Syrians, Phoenicians, and practically all the coastal peoples. With the revolt so extensive, half the revenues of the King were cut off and what remained were insufficient for the expenses of the. war.

91. The peoples who had revolted from the King chose as their general Orontes in charge of all branches of the administration. He, having taken over the command and funds needed for recruiting mercenaries, amounting to a year’s pay for twenty thousand men, proceeded to betray his trust. For suspecting that he would obtain from the King not only great rewards but would also succeed to the satrapy of all the coastal region if he should deliver the rebels into

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τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας, πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς κομίσαντας τὰ χρήματα συνέλαβε καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀρταξέρξην ἀπέστειλε, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλὰς τῶν πόλεων καὶ τοὺς ξενολογηθέντας στρατιώτας τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως 2πεμφθεῖσιν ἡγεμόσι παρέδωκεν. ὁμοίως δὲ τούτῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ἐγένετο προδοσία, καθ᾿ ἣν ἴδιόν τι καὶ παράδοξον συνέβη γενέσθαι. Ἀρταβάζου γὰρ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγοῦ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐμβαλόντος εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκίαν, ὁ μὲν ταύτης τῆς χώρας σατράπης Δατάμης ἀντεστρατοπέδευσεν αὐτῷ, πολλοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἠθροικὼς δισμυρίους δὲ πεζοὺς μισθοφόρους 3ἔχων αὑτῷ1 συστρατεύοντας· ὁ δὲ κηδεστὴς τοῦ Δατάμου τῶν ἱππέων ἀφηγούμενος, χάριν βουλόμενος καταθέσθαι καὶ τῆς ἰδίας σωτηρίας ἅμα προνοούμενος, ἀποστὰς νυκτὸς μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων ἀπήλαυνε πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, συντεθειμένος πρὸς Ἀρτάβαζον τῇ πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ περὶ τῆς προδοσίας. 4Δατάμης δὲ παρακαλέσας τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ δωρεὰς ὑποσχόμενος, ἀνέζευξε πρὸς τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας. καταλαβὼν δ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἤδη συνάπτοντας τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ αὐτὸς προσπεσὼν ἅμα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀρτάβαζον καὶ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν, ἔκτεινε 5τοὺς εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχομένους. ὁ δ᾿ Ἀρτάβαζος, τὸ

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the hands of the Persians, he first arrested those who 362 b.c. brought the money and dispatched them to Artaxer-xes; then afterward he delivered many of the cities and the soldiers who had been hired to the commanding officers who had been sent by the King. In a similar manner, betrayal occurred also in Cappadocia, where a strange and unexpected thing took place. Artabazus,1 the King’s general, had invaded Cappadocia with a large army, and Datames,2 the satrap of the country, had taken the field against him, for he had collected many horsemen and had twenty thousand mercenary foot-soldiers serving with him. But the father-in-law of Datames, who commanded the cavalry, wishing to acquire favour and at the same time having an eye to his own safety, deserted at night and rode off with the cavalry to the enemy, having the day before made arrangements with Artabazus for the betrayal. Datames then summoned his mercenaries, promised them largess, and launched an attack upon the deserters. Finding them on the point of joining forces with the enemy and himself attacking at the same time Artabazus’ guard and the horsemen, he slew all who came to close quarters.

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μὲν πρῶτον τὸ ἀληθὲς ἀγνοῶν, ὑπολαβὼν δὲ τὸν ἀποστάτην τοῦ Δατάμου1 παλιμπροδοσίαν2 ποιεῖσθαι, παρήγγειλε τοῖς ἰδίοις κτείνειν τοὺς προσιόντας ἱππεῖς. ὁ δὲ Μιθροβαρζάνης ἐν μέσοις ἀποληφθεὶς καὶ τῶν μὲν ὡς προδότην ἀμυνομένων τῶν δὲ ὡς παλιμπροδότην3 τιμωρουμένων, ἐν ἀπορίᾳ καθειστήκει· τῆς δ᾿ ἀπορίας οὐκ ἐώσης βουλεύσασθαι, πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐτρέπετο, καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους διαμαχόμενος πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον. τέλος δὲ πλειόνων ἢ μυρίων ἀναιρεθέντων, τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ὁ Δατάμης τρεψάμενος καὶ πολλοὺς φονεύσας ἀνεκαλέσατο τῇ σάλπιγγι τοὺς διώκοντας 6στρατιώτας. τῶν δ᾿ ἱππέων τῶν ὑπολειφθέντων οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὸν Δατάμην ἀποχωρήσαντες ἠξίουν τυχεῖν συγγνώμης, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅποι τράπωνται, καὶ τέλος εἰς πεντακοσίους ὄντες κυκλωθέντες ὑπὸ Δατάμου κατηκοντίσθησαν. 7Δατάμης μὲν οὖν καὶ πρότερον ἐπὶ στρατηγίᾳ θαυμαζόμενος, πολλῷ τότε4 μᾶλλον ἔσχε περιβόητον τήν τε ἀνδρείαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν σύνεσιν· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀρταξέρξης πυθόμενος τὴν στρατηγίαν τοῦ Δατάμου, καὶ σπεύδων ἄρασθαι τοῦτον, δι᾿ ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτὸν ἐδολοφόνησεν.

92. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ῥεομίθρης,5 ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν πεμφθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον πρὸς Ταχὼ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ λαβὼν ἀργυρίου μὲν τάλαντα

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Artabazus, at first unaware of the truth and suspecting 362/1 b.c. that the man who had deserted Datames was effecting a counter-betrayal, ordered his own men to slay all the horsemen who approached. And Mithro-barzanes,1 caught between the two parties—one group seeking revenge against him as a traitor; the other trying to punish him for counter-betrayal—was in a predicament, but since the situation allowed no time to deliberate, he had recourse to force, and fighting against both parties caused grievous slaughter. When, finally, more than ten thousand had been slain, Datames, having put the rest of Mithrobarzanes’ men to flight and slain many of them, recalled with the trumpet his soldiers who had gone in pursuit. Amongst the survivors in the cavalry some went back to Datames and asked for pardon; the rest did nothing, having nowhere to turn, and finally, being about five hundred in number, were surrounded and shot down by Datames. As for Datames, though even before this he was admired for his generalship, at that time he won far greater acclaim for both his courage and his sagacity in the art of war; but King Artaxerxes, when he learned about Datames’ exploit as general, because he was impatient to be rid of him, instigated his assassination.2

92. While these things were going on, Rheomi-thres,3 who had been sent by the insurgents to King Tachôs in Egypt, received from him five hundred

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πεντακόσια, ναῦς δὲ μακρὰς πεντήκοντα, κατέπλευσε τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς τὰς ὀνομαζομένας Λεύκας. εἰς δὲ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν μεταπεμψάμενος πολλοὺς τῶν ἀφεστηκότων ἡγεμόνας, τούτους μὲν συλλαβὼν καὶ δήσας ἀνέπεμψε πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀποστάτης γενόμενος ταῖς ἐκ τῆς προδοσίας δωρεαῖς διελύσατο τὰ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. 2κατὰ δὲ τὴν Αἴγυπτον Ταχὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς κατασκευασάμενος τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον διακοσίας μὲν τριήρεις εἶχε πολυτελῶς κεκοσμημένας, μισθοφόρους δ᾿ ἐπιλέκτους ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος μυρίους, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων πεζοὺς στρατιώτας Αἰγυπτίους ὀκτακισμυρίους. καὶ τῶν μὲν μισθοφόρων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν παρέδωκεν Ἀγησιλάῳ τῷ Σπαρτιάτῃ, ἀπεσταλμένῳ μὲν ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν μεθ᾿ ὁπλιτῶν χιλίων, δυναμένῳ δ᾿ ἡγεῖσθαι στρατιωτῶν καὶ δι᾿ ἀνδρείαν καὶ στρατηγικὴν 3σύνεσιν τεθαυμασμένῳ· τοῦ δὲ ναυτικοῦ τὴν στρατηγίαν ἐνεχείρισε Χαβρίᾳ τῷ Ἀθηναίῳ, δημοσίᾳ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος οὐκ ἀπεσταλμένῳ, ἰδίᾳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως συστρατεύειν πεπεισμένῳ. αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔχων τὴν1 ἡγεμονίαν καὶ στρατηγὸς ὢν ἁπάσης τῆς δυνάμεως,2 Ἀγησιλάῳ μὲν συμβουλεύσαντι μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ διὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν τὸν πόλεμον διοικεῖν οὐ προσέσχε καλῶς συμβουλεύοντι. τῆς γὰρ δυνάμεως

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talents of silver and fifty warships, and sailed to Asia 362/1 b.c. to the city named Leucae.1 To this city he summoned many leaders of the insurgents. These he arrested and sent in irons to Artaxerxes, and, though he himself had been an insurgent, by the favours that he conferred through his betrayal, he made his peace with the King. In Egypt King Tachôs, having completed his preparations for the war, now had two hundred triremes expensively adorned, ten thousand chosen mercenaries from Greece, and besides these eighty thousand Egyptian infantry. He gave the command of the mercenaries to the Spartan Agesi-laiis,2 who had been dispatched by the Lacedaemonians with a thousand hoplites to fight as an ally, being a man capable of leading troops and highly regarded for his courage and for his shrewdness in the art of war. The command of the naval contingent he entrusted to Chabrias3 the Athenian, who had not been sent officially by his country, but had been privately prevailed upon by the king to join the expedition. The king himself, having command of the Egyptians and being general of the whole army, gave no heed to the advice of Agesilaüs to remain in Egypt and conduct the war through the agency of his generals, though the advice was sound. In fact when

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προελθούσης πορρωτέρω καὶ περὶ Φοινίκην καταστρατοπεδευούσης, ὁ καθεσταμένος ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου στρατηγὸς ἀπέστη ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, διαπεμψάμενος δὲ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν Νεκτανεβώ, καὶ πείσας ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλείας, 4μέγαν πόλεμον ἐξέκαυσεν· ὁ γὰρ Νεκτανεβὼς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τεταγμένος ἡγεμὼν τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου στρατιωτῶν, καὶ πεμφθεὶς ἀπὸ τῆς Φοινίκης πολιορκεῖν τὰς ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ πόλεις, συγκάταινος γενόμενος ταῖς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιβολαῖς, τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας δωρεαῖς τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ἐπαγγελίαις προτρεψάμενος, ἔπεισε συναγωνιστὰς γενέσθαι. 5τέλος δὲ καταληφθείσης ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστατῶν τῆς Αἰγύπτου, ὁ μὲν Ταχὼς καταπλαγεὶς ἐτόλμησε διὰ τῆς Ἀραβίας ἀναβῆναι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ συγγνώμην ἠξίου δοῦναι περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων· ὁ δὲ Ἀρταξέρξης οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν ἀπέλυσε τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀπέδειξε τοῦ πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους πολέμου.

93. Μετ᾿ ὀλίγον δὲ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς τῶν Περσῶν ἐτελεύτησεν ἄρξας ἔτη τρία πρὸς τοῖς τετταράκοντα, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν διεδέξατο Ὦχος ὁ μετονομασθεὶς Ἀρταξέρξης, καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη τρία πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι· τοῦ γὰρ Ἀρταξέρξου καλῶς βεβασιλευκότος καὶ γενομένου παντελῶς εἰρηνικοῦ καὶ ἐπιτυχοῦς, τοὺς μετὰ τοῦτον βασιλεύοντας μετωνόμαζον καὶ τὴν τούτου προσηγορίαν ἔχειν 2προσέταττον. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως Ταχὼ ἐπανελθόντος πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον, Νεκτανεβὼς

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the armament had gone far afield and was encamped 362/1 b.c. near Phoenicia, the general left in charge of Egypt revolted from the king, and having thereupon sent word to his son Nectanebôs prevailed upon him to take the kingship in Egypt, and thereby kindled a great war. For Nectanebôs, who had been appointed by the king commander of the soldiers from Egypt and had been sent from Phoenicia to besiege the cities in Syria, after approving of his father’s designs, solicited the officers with bribes and the common soldiers with promises, and so prevailed upon them to be his accomplices. At last Egypt was seized by the insurgents, and Tachos, panic-stricken, made bold to go up to the King by way of Arabia and beg forgiveness for his past errors. Artaxerxes not only cleared him of the charges against him but even appointed him general in the war against Egypt.

93. Shortly after, the King of Persia died, having ruled forty-three years, and Ochus, who now assumed a new name, Artaxerxes, succeeded to the kingdom and ruled twenty-three years;—for since the first Artaxerxes had ruled well and had shown himself altogether peace-loving and fortunate, the Persians changed the names of those who ruled after him and prescribed that they should bear that name.1 When King Tachos had returned to the army of Agesilaüs,2

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ἠθροικὼς στρατιώτας πλείους τῶν δέκα μυριάδων ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ταχώ, καὶ προεκαλεῖτο περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαγωνίσασθαι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀγησίλαος ὁρῶν τὸν βασιλέα καταπεπληγμένον καὶ μὴ τολμῶντα διακινδυνεύειν, παρεκάλει θαρρεῖν· τῆς γὰρ νίκης τυγχάνειν οὐ τοὺς κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος προέχοντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς κατὰ τὰς ἀνδραγαθίας πρωτεύοντας· οὐ προσέχοντος δ᾿ αὐτοῦ συνηναγκάσθη μετ᾿ αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν εἴς τινα πόλιν εὐμεγέθη. 3οἱ δ᾿ Αἰγύπτιοι τὸ πρῶτον ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς συγκεκλεισμένους· ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς ἐν ταῖς τειχομαχίαις ἀπέβαλον, τείχει καὶ τάφρῳ περιελάμβανον τὴν πόλιν. ταχὺ δὲ τῶν ἔργων συντελουμένων διὰ τὴν πολυχειρίαν,1 καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐξαναλωθέντων, ὁ μὲν Ταχὼς ἀπέγνω τὴν σωτηρίαν, ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος παρακαλέσας τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ νυκτὸς ἐπιθέμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις, διέσωσεν 4ἅπαντας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀνελπίστως. ἐπιδιωξάντων δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ τῶν τόπων ὄντων πεδινῶν, οἱ μὲν Αἰγύπτιοι διέλαβον τῷ πλήθει κεκυκλῶσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ πάντας ἄρδην ἀναιρήσειν, ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος καταλαβόμενος τόπον ὃς εἶχεν ἐξ ἑκατέρου μέρους διώρυγα ποταμοῦ χειροποίητον, ὑπέμενε τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον. 5ἐκτάξας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν οἰκείως τοῖς τόποις, καὶ τοῖς τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῥείθροις ὀχυρώσας τὴν στρατιάν, συνῆψε μάχην. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἀχρήστου γενομένου, ταῖς ἀρεταῖς προέχοντες οἱ Ἕλληνες πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, 6τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς φεύγειν ἠνάγκασαν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Ταχὼς ῥᾳδίως ἀνεκτήσατο τὴν κατ᾿

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Nectanebôs, who had collected more than a hundred 362/1 b.c. thousand men, came against Tachôs and challenged him to fight a battle for the kingship. Now Agesilaüs, observing that the king was terrified and lacked the courage to risk a battle, bade him take heart. “For” said he, “it is not those who have the advantage of numbers who win the victory, but those who excel in valour.” But since the king paid no heed to Agesilaüs, he was obliged to withdraw with him to a large city. The Egyptians at first started to assault them once they were shut in it, but when they had lost many men in their attacks on the walls, they then began to surround the city with a wall and a ditch. As the work was rapidly nearing completion by reason of the large number of workers, and the provisions in the city were exhausted, Tachos despaired of his safety, but Agesilüs, encouraging the men and attacking the enemy by night, unexpectedly succeeded in bringing all the men out safely. And since the Egyptians had pursued close on their heels and the district was now flat, the Egyptians supposed that they had the enemy surrounded by superior numbers, and would utterly destroy them, but Agesilaüs seized a position which had on each side a canal fed by the river and thus halted the enemy’s attack. Then having drawn up his force in conformity with the terrain and protected his army by the river channels, he joined battle. The superior numbers of the Egyptians had become useless, and the Greeks, who surpassed them in courage, slew many Egyptians and forced the rest to flee. Afterwards Tachos easily recovered the

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Αἴγυπτον βασιλείαν, ὁ δ᾿ Ἀγησίλαος ὡς μόνος κατωρθωκὼς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐτιμήθη προσηκούσαις δωρεαῖς. ἐπανιὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα διὰ Κυρήνης ἐτελεύτησε, καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐν μέλιτι κομισθέντος εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην ἔτυχε τῆς βασιλικῆς ταφῆς τε καὶ τιμῆς.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν μέχρι τούτων προέβη κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν.

94. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Πελοπόννησον τοῖς Ἀρκάσι γενομένης εἰρήνης κοινῆς μετὰ τὴν ἐν Μαντινείᾳ μάχην, ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον ἐμμείναντες τοῖς ὅρκοις πάλιν κατέστησαν τὸν1 πόλεμον. ἐν μὲν γὰρ τοῖς ὅρκοις ἦν γεγραμμένον ἑκάστους εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀπιέναι πατρίδα μετὰ τὴν μάχην, εἰς δὲ τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν ὑπῆρχον αἱ περιοικοῦσαι πόλεις μετῳκισμέναι καὶ δυσχερῶς φέρουσαι τὴν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος μετάστασιν. διόπερ αὐτῶν ἐπανελθόντων εἰς τὰς προγεγενημένας πόλεις, οἱ Μεγαλοπολῖται 2συνηνάγκαζον ἐκλιπεῖν τὰς πατρίδας. διὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν γενομένης διαφορᾶς, οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῶν πολισμάτων ἠξίουν αὐτοῖς βοηθεῖν Μαντινεῖς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἀρκάδων τινάς,2 ἔτι δὲ Ἠλείους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μετεσχηκότας τοῖς Μαντινεῦσι συμμαχίας· οἱ δὲ Μεγαλοπολῖται τοὺς Θηβαίους3 παρεκάλουν συμμαχεῖν. οἷς ἀπέστειλαν συντόμως ὁπλίτας μὲν τρισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους, 3ὧν τὴν στρατηγίαν εἶχε Παμμένης. οὗτος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν, καὶ τῶν πολισμάτων ἃ

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Egyptian kingship,1 and Agesilaiis, as the one who 362/1 b.c. single-handed had restored his kingdom, was honoured with appropriate gifts. On his journey back to his native land by way of Cyrenê Agesilaüs died, and his body packed in honey2 was conveyed to Sparta where he received kingly burial and honour.

So far did events in Asia progress to the end of the year.

94. In the Peloponnese, though the Arcadians had agreed on a general peace after the battle of Mantineia, they adhered to their covenant only a year before they renewed the war. In the covenant it was written that each should return to his respective native country after the battle, but there had come into the city of Megalopolis3 the inhabitants of neighbouring cities who had been moved to new homes and were finding transplantation from their own homes difficult to bear. Consequently when they had returned to the cities which had formerly been theirs, the Megalopolitans tried to compel them to abandon their homelands. And when for this reason a quarrel arose, the townsfolk asked the Mantineians and certain other Arcadians to help them, and also the Eleians and the other peoples that were members of the alliance with the Mantineians, whereas the Megalopolitans besought the Thebans to fight with them as allies. The Thebans speedily dispatched to them three thousand hoplites and three hundred cavalry with Pammenes as their commander. He came to Megalopolis, and by

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μὲν ἐκπορθήσας, ἃ δὲ καταπληξάμενος, συνηνάγκασεν εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν μετοικῆσαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν συνοικισμὸν τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ταραχῆς ἐλθόντα ἔτυχεν ἐνδεχομένης καταστολῆς.

4Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Ἀθάνας ὁ Συρακόσιος τῶν περὶ Δίωνα πράξεων ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενος ἔγραψε μὲν βύβλους τρισκαίδεκα, προανέλαβε1 δὲ τὸν ἄγραφον χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλίστου συντάξεως ἐν μιᾷ βύβλῳ καὶ διελθὼν τὰς πράξεις ἐν κεφαλαίοις συνεχῆ τὴν ἱστορίαν ἐποίησεν.

95. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Νικοφήμου τὴν ὑπατικὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν Ῥώμῃ διέλαβε Γάιος Σολπίκιος καὶ Γάιος Λικίνιος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ὁ Φερῶν τύραννος λῃστρίδας ναῦς ἐκπέμψας ἐπὶ τὰς Κυκλάδας νήσους, τινὰς μὲν ἐκπολιορκήσας πολλῶν σωμάτων ἐκυρίευσεν, εἰς δὲ τὴν Πεπάρηθον ἀποβιβάσας μισθοφόρους στρατιώτας ἐπολιόρκει 2τὴν πόλιν. Ἀθηναίων δὲ βοηθησάντων τοῖς Πεπαρηθίοις καὶ στρατηγὸν Λεωσθένην ἀπολιπόντων, ἐπέθετο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· ἐτύγχανον δ᾿ οὗτοι παραφυλάττοντες τοὺς ἐν τῷ Πανόρμῳ διατρίβοντας τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατιωτῶν. ἀπροσδοκήτως δὲ ἐπιθεμένων τῶν τοῦ δυνάστου, παράδοξος εὐημερία περὶ τὸν ἀλέξανδρον ἐγένετο. οὐ μόνον γὰρ τοὺς ἀπεσταλμένους ἐν τῷ Πανόρμῳ διέσωσεν ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων κινδύνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τριήρεις μὲν Ἀττικὰς

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sacking some of the towns and terrifying others he 362/1 b.c. compelled their inhabitants to change their abode to Megalopolis. So the problem of the amalgamation of the cities, after it had reached such a state of turmoil, was reduced to such calm as was possible.

Of the historians, Athanas1 of Syracuse wrote thirteen books beginning with the events attending and following Dion’s expedition, but he prefixed, in one book, an account of the period of seven years not recorded in the treatise of Philistus and by recording these events in summary fashion made of the history a continuous narrative.

95. When Nicophemus was archon at Athens, the 361/0 b.c. consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Licinius. During their term of office Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, sent pirate ships against the Cyclades,2 stormed some and took many captives, then disembarking mercenaries on Peparethos3 put the city under siege. And when the Athenians came to the assistance of the Peparethians and left Leosthenes in command of the mission, Alexander attacked the Athenians. Actually they were blockading such of Alexander’s soldiers as were stationed in Panormus. And since the tyrant’s men attacked unexpectedly, Alexander won a surprising success. For he not only rescued the detachment at Panormus from the greatest danger, but he also captured five Attic

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πέντε, μίαν δὲ Πεπαρηθίαν εἷλε, καὶ σωμάτων 3ἐκυρίευσεν ἑξακοσίων. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι παροξυνθέντες τοῦ μὲν Λεωσθένους ὡς προδότου θάνατον κατέγνωσαν καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἐδήμευσαν, ἑλόμενοι δὲ στρατηγὸν Χάρητα καὶ ναυτικὴν δύναμιν δόντες ἐξέπεμψαν. οὗτος δὲ τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους εὐλαβούμενος, τοὺς δὲ συμμάχους ἀδικῶν διετέλει. καταπλεύσας γὰρ εἰς Κόρκυραν συμμαχίδα πόλιν, στάσεις ἐν αὐτῇ μεγάλας ἐκίνησεν ἐξ ὧν συνέπεσε γενέσθαι σφαγὰς πολλὰς καὶ ἁρπαγάς, δι᾿ ἃς συνέβη τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ἀθηναίων διαβληθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις. ὁ μὲν οὖν Χάρης καὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα παρανομῶν ἀγαθὸν μὲν οὐδὲν διεπράξατο, τῇ δὲ πατρίδι διαβολάς.

4Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Διονυσόδωρος1 καὶ Ἄναξις οἱ Βοιωτοὶ τὴν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱστορίαν2 εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν κατεστρόφασι τὰς συντάξεις. ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς πρὸ Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως πράξεις διεληλυθότες, ταύτην μὲν τὴν βύβλον κατὰ τὴν ἐν ἀρχῇ πρόθεσιν αὐτοῦ περιγράφομεν,3 τὴν δ᾿ ἐχομένην ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλίππου παραλήψεως τῆς βασιλείας ἀρξάμενοι πάσας διέξιμεν τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως τούτου πράξεις μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς, συμπεριλαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς γεγενημένας4 ἐν τοῖς γνωριζομένοις μέρεσι τῆς οἰκουμένης.

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triremes and one Peparethian, and took six hundred 361/0 b.c. captives. The Athenians, enraged, condemned Leos-thenes to death as a traitor and confiscated his property, then choosing Chares1 as general in command and giving him a fleet, they sent him out. But he spent his time avoiding the enemy and injuring the allies. For he sailed to Corcyra, an allied city, and stirred up such violent civil strife in it that many murders and seizures took place, with the result that the Athenian democracy was discredited in the eyes of the allies. So it turned out that Chares, who did many other such lawless acts, accomplished nothing good but brought his country into discredit.

The historians Dionysodorus and Anaxis,2 Boeotians, closed their narrative of Greek history with this year. But we, now that we have narrated the events before the time of King Philip, bring this book to a close here in accordance with the plan stated at the beginning.3 In the following book which begins with Philip’s accession to the throne, we shall record all the achievements of this king to his death, including in its compass those other events as well which have occurred in the known portions of the world.

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Manuscripts
P.Codex Patmius, 10th or 11th century.
X.Codex Venetus S. Marci, 14th or 15th century.
R.Codex Parisinus, 12th century.
V.Codex Vaticanus, 15th or 16th century.
F.Codex Florentinus Laur., 14th or 15th century.
M.Codex Venetus S. Marci, 15th century.

The designations of the MSS. are those of the Preface to the fourth volume of the edition of Vogel-Fischer.

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Τάδε ἔνεστιν ἐν τῇ ἑκκαιδεκάτῃ τῶν Διοδώρου βίβλων

Ὡς Φίλιππος ὁ Ἀμύντου παρέλαβε τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλείαν.

Ὡς Ἀργαῖον ἀντιποιούμενον τῆς βασιλείας ἐνίκησεν.

Ὡς Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ Παίονας καταπολεμήσας ἐκτήσατο τὴν προγονικὴν ἀρχήν.

Περὶ τῆς ἀνανδρίας τοῦ νεωτέρου Διονυσίου καὶ τῆς Δίωνος φυγῆς.

Κτίσις Ταυρομενίου κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν.

Τὰ πραχθέντα κατὰ τὴν Εὔβοιαν καὶ κατὰ τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον.

Πολιορκία Ἀμφιπόλεως ὑπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ ἅλωσις.

Ὡς Φίλιππος τοὺς Πυδναίους ἐξανδραποδισάμενος τὰ χρύσεια μέταλλα κατεσκεύασεν.

Ὡς Δίων ἐλευθερώσας τοὺς Συρακουσίους Διονύσιον κατεπολέμησεν.

Ὡς ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος πάλιν ἀνεκτήσατο τὰς Συρακούσας.

Κατάλυσις συμμαχικοῦ πολέμου.

Συνδρομὴ τριῶν βασιλέων ἐπὶ Φίλιππον.

Ὡς Φιλόμηλος ὁ Φωκεὺς τοὺς Δελφοὺς καὶ τὸ μαντεῖον καταλαβόμενος τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον ἐξέκαυσεν.

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Contents of the Sixteenth Book of Diodorus

How Philip, son of Amyntas, succeeded to the Macedonian throne (chaps. 1–2).

How he defeated Argaeus, pretender to the throne (chap. 3).

How, having subdued the Illyrians and the Paeonians, he acquired the empire of his fathers (chap. 4).

On the pusillanimity of Dionysius the Younger and the flight of Dion (chaps. 5–6).

The founding of Tauromenium in Sicily (chap. 7.1).

Events in Euboea and in the course of the Social War (chap. 7. 2–end).

Siege of Amphipolis by Philip and its capture (chap. 8. 1–2).

How Philip, having reduced to slavery the people of Pydna, developed the gold mines (chap. 8. 3–end).

How Dion, having liberated the Syracusans, defeated Dionysius (chaps. 9–15).

How, after being expelled from his native land, he again got control of Syracuse (chaps 16–20).

Conclusion of the Social War (chaps. 21–22. 2).

Combination of three kings against Philip (chap, 22. 3).

How Philomelus the Phocian, having seized Delphi and its oracle, kindled the Sacred War (chaps. 23–25).

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Περὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὑρέσεως τοῦ μαντείου.

Φιλομήλου τοῦ Φωκέως ἧττα καὶ θάνατος.

Ὀνομάρχου παράληψις τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ παρασκευὴ πρὸς πόλεμον.

Ὡς Βοιωτοὶ Ἀρταβάζῳ βοηθήσαντες ἐνίκησαν τοὺς βασιλέως σατράπας.

Ὡς Ἀθηναῖοι Χερρονήσου κρατήσαντες κατεκληρούχησαν αὐτήν.

Ὡς Φίλιππος Μεθώνην ἑλὼν κατέσκαψεν.

Ὡς Φίλιππος Φωκεῖς νικήσας ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς Θετταλίας.

Ὡς Ὀνόμαρχος ὁ Φωκεὺς Φίλιππον δυσὶ μάχαις νικήσας εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους κινδύνους ἤγαγεν.

Ὡς Ὀνόμαρχος Βοιωτοὺς νικήσας Κορώνειαν εἷλεν.

Ὡς Ὀνόμαρχος ἐν Θετταλίᾳ παραταξάμενος πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ Θετταλοὺς ἡττήθη.

Ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκρεμάσθη, οἱ δ᾿ ἄλλοι κατεποντίσθησαν ὡς ἱερόσυλοι.

Ὡς Φάυλλος διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν πολλὰ τῶν ἀργυρῶν καὶ χρυσῶν ἀναθημάτων κατέκοψεν.

Ὡς τὰς μισθοφορίας ἀναβιβάσας ἤθροισε μισθοφόρων πλῆθος.

Ὡς τεταπεινωμένα τὰ τῶν Φωκέων πράγματα διωρθώσατο.

Ὡς χρήμασι διαφθείρων τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοὺς προεστηκότας αὐταῖς πολλοὺς προσελάβετο συμμάχους.

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On the original discovery of the oracle (chap. 26).

The defeat and death of Philomelus the Phocian (chaps. 27–31).

Onomarchus’ succession to the command and his preparations for war (chaps. 32–33).

How the Boeotians, having come to the assistance of Artabazus, defeated the satraps of the Great King (chap. 34. 1–2).

How the Athenians, having gained the mastery of the Chersonesus, colonized it (chap. 34. 3–4).

How Philip, having captured Methone, razed it (chap. 34. 4–end).

How Philip, having defeated the Phocians, drove them from Thessaly (chap. 35. 1).

How Onomarchus the Phocian, having defeated Philip in two battles, brought him into extreme peril (chap. 35. 2).

How Onomarchus, having defeated the Boeotians, seized Coroneia (chap. 35. 3).

How Onomarchus, in a pitched battle with Philip and the Thessalians in Thessaly, was defeated (chap. 35. 4–5).

How Onomarchus himself was hanged and the rest of his faction were drowned in the sea as temple-robbers (chap. 35. 6).

How Phayllus, having succeeded to the command, coined into money many of the silver and gold dedications at the shrine (chap. 36. 1).

How, having raised the rate of pay, he gathered a multitude of mercenaries (chap. 36).

How he raised the fortunes of the Phocians when they were at their lowest ebb (chap. 37. 1).

How, by corrupting the cities and their chief men with bribes, he won many allies (chap. 37. 2–3).

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Ὡς οἱ τῶν Φεραίων τύραννοι παραδόντες Φιλίππῳ τὰς Φερὰς Φωκέων ἐγένοντο σύμμαχοι.

Μάχη Φωκέων πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς περὶ Ὀρχομενὸν καὶ ἧττα Φωκέων.

Ἄλλαι μάχαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν καὶ Κορώνειαν καὶ νίκη Βοιωτῶν.

Ὡς Φάυλλος στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν Λοκρίδα πολλὰς πόλεις ἐχειρώσατο.

Ὡς Φάυλλος νόσῳ περιπεσὼν φθινάδι τὸν βίον ἐπιπόνως κατέστρεψεν.

Ὡς Φάλαικος διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀγεννῶς διοικῶν τὸν πόλεμον ἐξέπεσεν.

Ὡς οἱ κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐστασίασαν.

Ὡς Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Ὦχος ἀνεκτήσατο Αἴγυπτον καὶ Φοινίκην καὶ Κύπρον.

Ὡς Φίλιππος τὰς Χαλκιδικὰς πόλεις προσαγαγόμενος τὴν ἐπισημοτάτην πόλιν κατέσκαψεν.

Ζήτησις τῶν ἀναλωθέντων ἱερῶν χρημάτων καὶ κόλασις τῶν νοσφισαμένων.

Ὡς οἱ καταφυγόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος Φωκεῖς ὄντες πεντακόσιοι παραδόξως ἅπαντες ὑπὸ πυρὸς διεφθάρησαν.

Ὡς ὁ Φωκικὸς πόλεμος κατελύθη.

Ὡς οἱ μετασχόντες τῆς ἱεροσυλίας τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἅπαντες ὑπὸ θείας τινὸς ἐνεργείας ἐκολάσθησαν.

Τιμολέοντος κατάπλους εἰς Σικελίαν καὶ αἱ πράξεις αὐτοῦ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς.

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How the tyrants of the Pheraeans, having betrayed Pherae to Philip, became allies of the Phocians (chap. 37. 3).

Battle of the Phocians with the Boeotians near Orchomenus and defeat of the Phocians (chap. 37. 4–5).

Other battles of the same peoples by the Cephisus and Coroneia and victory of the Boeotians (chap. 37. 5–6).

How Phayllus, having made an expedition into Locris, captured many cities (chap. 38. 1–5).

How Phayllus, having fallen ill of a wasting sickness, died a painful death (chap. 38. 6).

How Phalaecus, having succeeded to the command, conducted the war disgracefully, and was driven into exile (chaps. 38. 6–end and 59).

How the peoples of the Peloponnese broke out in civil strife (chap. 39).

How Artaxerxes, commonly called Ochus, again got possession of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus (chaps. 40–52. 8).

How Philip, having won the Chalcidian cities to his side, razed their most important one (chaps. 52. 9–55).

Investigation of the expenditure of the sacred monies and punishment of the pillagers (chaps. 56–57).

How those who took refuge at the shrine of Apollo, Phocians all, five hundred in number, were miraculously to the last man burned to death (chap. 58).

How the Phocian war was concluded (chaps. 59–60).

How those who had participated with the Phocians in the pillaging of the shrine were all punished by some sort of divine agency (chaps. 61–64).

The voyage of Timoleon to Sicily and his fortunes up to his death (chaps. 65–90 passim).

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Περίνθου καὶ Βυζαντίου πολιορκία ὑπὸ Φιλίππου.

Φιλίππου παράταξις πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ καὶ ἧττα Ἀθηναίων.

Ὡς οἱ Ἕλληνες αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο Φίλιππον.

Ὡς Φίλιππος μέλλων διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀνῃρέθη.

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The siege of Perinthus and Byzantium by Philip (chaps. 74–77).

Philip’s battle with the Athenians at Chaeroneia and the defeat of the Athenians (chaps. 84–88).

How the Greeks chose Philip as their generalissimo (chap. 89).

How Philip was assassinated as he was about to cross into Asia (chaps. 91–95).

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ΒΙΒΛΟΣ ΕΚΚΑΙΔΕΚΑΤΗ

1. Ἐν πάσαις μὲν ταῖς ἱστορικαῖς πραγματείαις καθήκει τοὺς συγγραφεῖς περιλαμβάνειν ἐν ταῖς βίβλοις ἢ πόλεων ἢ βασιλέων πράξεις αὐτοτελεῖς ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς μέχρι τοῦ τέλους· οὕτως γὰρ μάλιστα διαλαμβάνομεν τὴν ἱστορίαν εὐμνημόνευτον καὶ 2σαφῆ γενέσθαι τοῖς ἀναγινώσκουσιν. αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἡμιτελεῖς πράξεις οὐκ ἔχουσαι συνεχὲς ταῖς ἀρχαῖς τὸ πέρας μεσολαβοῦσι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τῶν φιλαναγνωστούντων, αἱ δὲ τὸ τῆς διηγήσεως συνεχὲς περιλαμβάνουσαι μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς ἀπηρτισμένην τὴν τῶν πράξεων ἔχουσιν ἀπαγγελίαν. ὅταν δ᾿ ἡ φύσις αὐτὴ τῶν πραχθέντων συνεργῇ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσι, τότ᾿ ἤδη παντελῶς οὐκ ἀποστατέον ταύτης 3τῆς προαιρέσεως. διόπερ καὶ ἡμεῖς παρόντες ἐπὶ τὰς Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου πράξεις πειρασόμεθα τούτῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ πραχθέντα περιλαβεῖν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ βίβλῳ. οὗτος γὰρ εἴκοσι μὲν καὶ τέτταρα ἔτη τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐβασίλευσεν, ἐλαχίσταις δὲ ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενος μεγίστην τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην δυναστειῶν κατεσκεύασε τὴν ἰδίαν βασιλείαν καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν Μακεδονίαν δουλεύουσαν Ἰλλυριοῖς πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων

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Book XVI

1. In all systematic historical treatises it behooves the historian to include in his books actions of states or of kings which are complete in themselves from beginning to end; for in this manner I conceive history to be most easy to remember and most intelligible to the reader. Now incomplete actions, the conclusion of which is unconnected with the beginning, interrupt the interest of the curious reader, whereas if the actions embrace a continuity of development culminating naturally, the narrative of events will achieve a well-rounded perfection. Whenever the natural pattern of events itself harmonizes with the task of the historian, from that point on he must not deviate at all from this principle.1 Consequently, now that I have reached the actions of Philip son of Amyntas, I shall endeavour to include the deeds performed by this king within the compass of the present Book. For Philip was king over the Macedonians for twenty-four years, and having started from the most insignificant beginnings built up his kingdom to be the greatest of the dominions in Europe, and having taken over Macedonia when she was a slave to the Illyrians, made her mistress of many

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4κυρίαν ἐποίησε. διὰ δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρετὴν μὲν Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης παρέλαβε τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἑκουσίως τῶν πόλεων ὑποταττομένων, τοὺς δὲ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱερὸν συλήσαντας καταπολεμήσας καὶ τῷ μαντείῳ βοηθήσας μετέσχε τοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων καὶ διὰ τὴν εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν ἔπαθλον ἔλαβε τὰς ψήφους τῶν κρατηθέντων Φωκέων. 5Ἰλλυριοὺς δὲ καὶ Παίονας καὶ Θρᾷκας καὶ Σκύθας καὶ πάντα τὰ πλησιόχωρα τούτοις ἔθνη καταπολεμήσας τὴν Περσῶν βασιλείαν ἐπεβάλετο καταλῦσαι καὶ δυνάμεις μὲν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διαβιβάσας τὰς Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις ἠλευθέρου, μεσολαβηθεὶς δ᾿ ὑπὸ τῆς πεπρωμένης τηλικαύτας καὶ τοιαύτας δυνάμεις ἀπέλιπεν ὥστε τὸν υἱὸν Ἀλέξανδρον μὴ προσδεηθῆναι συμμάχων εἰς τὴν κατάλυσιν 6τῆς Περσῶν ἡγεμονίας. καὶ ταῦτ᾿ ἔπραξεν οὐ διὰ τύχην, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρετήν. γέγονε γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς οὗτος ἀγχινοίᾳ στρατηγικῇ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ λαμπρότητι ψυχῆς διαφέρων. ἵνα δὲ μὴ διὰ τοῦ προοιμίου προλαμβάνωμεν αὐτοῦ τὰς πράξεις, ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἱστορίας πορευσόμεθα, βραχέα τοῖς χρόνοις προσαναδραμόντες.

2. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος γὰρ Ἀθήνησι Καλλιμήδους1 ὀλυμπιὰς μὲν ἤχθη πέμπτη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Πῶρος Κυρηναῖος, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Γναῖον Γενύκιον καὶ Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Φίλιππος ὁ Ἀμύντου υἱός, Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Πέρσας καταπολεμήσαντος πατὴρ παρέλαβε τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλείαν διὰ

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powerful tribes and states. And it was by his own valour that he took over the supremacy of all Hellas with the consent of the states, which voluntarily subordinated themselves to his authority. Having subdued in war the men who had been plundering the shrine at Delphi and having brought aid to the oracle, he won a seat in the Amphictyonic Council, and because of his reverence for the gods received as his prize in the contest, after the defeat of the Phocians, the votes which had been theirs. Then when he had conquered in war Illyrians, Paeonians, Thracians, Scythians, and all the peoples in the vicinity of these, he planned to overthrow the Persian kingdom, and, after transporting his armaments into Asia, was in the act of liberating the Greek cities; but, cut short by Fate in mid-career, he left armies so numerous and powerful that his son Alexander had no need to apply for allies in his attempt to overthrow the Persian supremacy.1 And these deeds he accomplished, not by the favour of Fortune, but by his own valour. For King Philip excelled in shrewdness in the art of war, courage, and brilliance of personality. But, not to anticipate his achievements in my introduction, I shall proceed to the continuous thread of the narrative after first briefly retracing his early period.

2. When Callimedes was archon at Athens, the one 360/59 b.c. hundred fifth celebration of the Olympian games was held at which Porus of Cyrenê won the stadion race, and the Romans elected as consuls Gnaeus Genucius and Lucius Aemilius. During their term of office Philip, the son of Amyntas and father of Alexander who defeated the Persians in war, succeeded to the Macedonian throne in the following manner. After

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2τοιαύτας αἰτίας. Ἀμύντου καταπολεμηθέντος ὑπὸ Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ φόρους τοῖς κρατήσασι τελεῖν ἀναγκασθέντος οἱ μὲν Ἰλλυριοὶ λαβόντες εἰς ὁμηρίαν Φίλιππον τὸν νεώτατον τῶν υἱῶν παρέθεντο τοῖς Θηβαίοις. οὗτοι δὲ τῷ Ἐπαμεινώνδου πατρὶ παρέθεντο τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ προσέταξαν ἅμα τηρεῖν ἐπιμελῶς τὴν παρακαταθήκην καὶ προστατεῖν τῆς 3ἀγωγῆς καὶ παιδείας. τοῦ δ᾿ Ἐπαμεινώνδου Πυθαγόριον ἔχοντος φιλόσοφον ἐπιστάτην συντρεφόμενος ὁ Φίλιππος μετέσχεν ἐπὶ πλεῖον τῶν Πυθαγορίων λόγων. ἀμφοτέρων δὲ τῶν μαθητῶν προσενεγκαμένων φύσιν τε καὶ φιλοπονίαν ὑπῆρξαν ἑκάτεροι διαφέροντες ἀρετῇ· ὧν Ἐπαμεινώνδας μὲν μεγάλους ἀγῶνας καὶ κινδύνους ὑπομείνας τῇ πατρίδι παραδόξως τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος περιέθηκεν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ταῖς αὐταῖς ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενος οὐκ ἀπελείφθη τῆς Ἐπαμεινώνδου δόξης. 4μετὰ γὰρ τὴν Ἀμύντου τελευτὴν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν υἱῶν διεδέξατο τὴν ἀρχήν. τοῦτον

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Amyntas had been defeated by the Illyrians1 and 360/59 b.c. forced to pay tribute to his conquerors, the Illyrians, who had taken Philip, the youngest son of Amyntas, as a hostage, placed him in the care of the Thebans.2 They in turn entrusted the lad to the father of Epameinondas and directed him both to keep careful watch over his ward and to superintend his upbringing and education. Since Epameinondas had as his instructor a philosopher of the Pythagorean school,3 Philip, who was reared along with him, acquired a wide acquaintance with the Pythagorean philosophy. Inasmuch as both students showed natural ability and diligence they proved to be superior in deeds of valour. Of the two, Epameinondas underwent the most rigorous tests and battles, and invested his fatherland almost miraculously with the leadership of Hellas, while Philip, availing himself of the same initial training, achieved no less fame than Epameinondas. For after the death of Amyntas, Alexander,4 the eldest of the sons of Amyntas, succeeded to the throne.

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δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἀλωρίτης δολοφονήσας παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ τοῦτον ὁμοίως Περδίκκας ἐπανελόμενος ἐβασίλευσεν. τούτου δὲ παρατάξει μεγάλῃ λειφθέντος ὑπὸ Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ πεσόντος ἐπὶ τῆς χρείας Φίλιππος ὁ ἀδελφὸς διαδρὰς ἐκ τῆς ὁμηρίας 5παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν κακῶς διακειμένην. ἀνῄρηντο μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῇ παρατάξει Μακεδόνων πλείους τῶν τετρακισχιλίων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ καταπεπληγμένοι τὰς τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν δυνάμεις περίφοβοι καθειστήκεισαν 6καὶ πρὸς τὸ διαπολεμεῖν ἀθύμως εἶχον. ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Παίονες μὲν πλησίον τῆς Μακεδονίας οἰκοῦντες ἐπόρθουν τὴν χώραν καταφρονοῦντες τῶν Μακεδόνων, Ἰλλυριοὶ δὲ μεγάλας δυνάμεις ἤθροιζον καὶ στρατεύειν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν παρεσκευάζοντο, Παυσανίας δέ τις τῆς βασιλικῆς συγγενείας κοινωνῶν ἐπεβάλλετο διὰ τοῦ Θρᾳκῶν βασιλέως ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονικὴν βασιλείαν κατιέναι. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι πρὸς Φίλιππον ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντες κατῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀργαῖον καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀπεστάλκεισαν Μαντίαν ἔχοντα τρισχιλίους μὲν ὁπλίτας, ναυτικὴν δὲ δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον.

3. Οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες διά τε τὴν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ συμφορὰν καὶ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐπιφερομένων κινδύνων ἐν ἀπορίᾳ τῇ μεγίστῃ καθειστήκεισαν. ἀλλ᾿ ὅμως τηλικούτων φόβων καὶ κινδύνων ἐφεστώτων

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But Ptolemy of Alorus1 assassinated him and succeeded 360/59 b.c. to the throne and then in similar fashion Perdiccas2 disposed of him and ruled as king. But when he was defeated in a great battle by the Illyrians3 and fell in the action, Philip his brother, who had escaped from his detention as a hostage, succeeded to the kingdom,4 now in a bad way. For the Macedonians had lost more than four thousand men in the battle, and the remainder, panic-stricken, had become exceedingly afraid of the Illyrian armies and had lost heart for continuing the war. About the same time the Paeonians, who lived near Macedonia, began to pillage their territory, showing contempt for the Macedonians, and the Illyrians began to assemble large armies and prepare for an invasion of Macedonia, while a certain Pausanias,5 who was related to the royal line of Macedon, was planning with the aid of the Thracian king6 to join the contest for the throne of Macedon. Similarly, the Athenians too, being hostile to Philip, were endeavouring to restore Argaeus7 to the throne and had dispatched Mantias as general with three thousand hoplites and a considerable naval force.

3. The Macedonians because of the disaster sustained in the battle and the magnitude of the dangers pressing upon them were in the greatest perplexity. Yet even so, with such fears and dangers threatening

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ὁ Φίλιππος οὐ κατεπλάγη τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προσδοκωμένων δεινῶν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐν συνεχέσιν ἐκκλησίαις συνέχων καὶ τῇ τοῦ λόγου δεινότητι προτρεπόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίησε, τὰς δὲ στρατιωτικὰς τάξεις ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖττον διορθωσάμενος καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ὅπλοις δεόντως κοσμήσας, συνεχεῖς ἐξοπλασίας 2καὶ γυμνασίας ἐναγωνίους ἐποιεῖτο. ἐπενόησε δὲ καὶ τὴν τῆς φάλαγγος πυκνότητα καὶ κατασκευήν, μιμησάμενος τὸν ἐν Τροίᾳ τῶν ἡρώων συνασπισμόν, καὶ πρῶτος συνεστήσατο τὴν Μακεδονικὴν 3φάλαγγα. ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις προσηνὴς ἦν καὶ διά τε τῶν δωρεῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν εἰς τὴν μεγίστην εὔνοιαν τὰ πλήθη προήγετο, πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπιφερομένων κινδύνων εὐστόχως ἀντεμηχανᾶτο. θεωρῶν γὰρ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν εἰσφερομένους καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατάγοντας τὸν Ἀργαῖον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἑκουσίως ἐξεχώρησε 4τῆς πόλεως, ἀφεὶς αὐτὴν αὐτόνομον. πρὸς δὲ

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them, Philip was not panic-stricken by the magnitude 360/59 b.c. of the expected perils, but, bringing together the Macedonians in a series of assemblies and exhorting them with eloquent speeches to be men, he built up their morale, and, having improved the organization of his forces and equipped the men suitably with weapons1 of war, he held constant manoeuvres of the men under arms and competitive drills. Indeed he devised the compact order and the equipment of the phalanx, imitating the close order fighting with overlapping shields of the warriors at Troy,2 and was the first to organize the Macedonian phalanx. He was courteous in his intercourse with men and sought to win over the multitudes by his gifts and his promises to the fullest loyalty, and endeavoured to counteract by clever moves the crowd of impending dangers. For instance, when he observed that the Athenians were centring all their ambition upon recovering Amphipolis and for this reason were trying to bring Argaeus back to the throne, he voluntarily withdrew from the city, after first making it autonomous.3 Then

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Παίονας διαπρεσβευσάμενος καὶ τοὺς μὲν δωρεαῖς διαφθείρας, τοὺς δ᾿ ἐπαγγελίαις φιλανθρώποις πείσας κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εἰρήνην ἄγειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς συνέθετο. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸν Παυσανίαν ἀπέστησε τῆς καθόδου τὸν κατάγειν μέλλοντα βασιλέα δωρεαῖς 5πείσας. Μαντίας δ᾿ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς καταπλεύσας εἰς Μεθώνην αὐτὸς μὲν ἐνταῦθα κατέμεινε τὸν Ἀργαῖον δὲ μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων ἐπὶ τὰς Αἰγὰς ἀπέστειλεν. οὗτος δὲ προσελθὼν τῇ πόλει παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐν ταῖς Αἰγαῖς προσδέξασθαι τὴν κάθοδον καὶ γενέσθαι τῆς αὑτοῦ1 βασιλείας 6ἀρχηγούς. οὐδενὸς δ᾿ αὐτῷ προσέχοντος ὁ μὲν ἀνέκαμπτεν εἰς τὴν Μεθώνην, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπιφανεὶς μετὰ στρατιωτῶν καὶ συνάψας μάχην πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλε τῶν μισθοφόρων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἴς τινα λόφον καταφυγόντας ὑποσπόνδους ἀφῆκεν, λαβὼν παρ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐκδότους τοὺς φυγάδας.

Φίλιππος μὲν οὖν ταύτην πρώτην μάχην νικήσας εὐθαρσεστέρους ἐποίησε τοὺς Μακεδόνας πρὸς τοὺς 7ἐφεξῆς ἀγῶνας. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Θάσιοι μὲν ᾤκισαν τὰς ὀνομαζομένας Κρηνίδας, ἃς ὕστερον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀφ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ ὀνομάσας Φιλίππους ἐπλήρωσεν οἰκητόρων.

8Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Θεόπομπος ὁ Χῖος τὴν

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he sent an embassy to the Paeonians, and by corrupting 390/59 b.c. some with gifts and persuading others by generous promises he made an agreement with them to maintain peace for the present. In similar fashion he prevented the return of Pausanias by winning over with gifts the king1 who was on the point of attempting his restoration. Mantias, the Athenian general, who had sailed into Methonê,2 stayed behind there himself but sent Argaeus with his mercenaries to Aegae.3 And Argaeus approached the city and invited the population of Aegae to welcome his return and become the founders of his own kingship. When no one paid any attention to him, he turned back to Methonê, but Philip, who suddenly appeared with his soldiers, engaged him in battle, slew many of his mercenaries, and released under a truce4 the rest, who had fled for refuge to a certain hill, after he had first obtained from them the exiles, whom they delivered to him.

Now Philip by his success in this first battle encouraged the Macedonians to meet the succeeding contests with greater temerity. While these things were going on, the Thasians settled the place called Crenides,5 which the king afterward named Philippi for himself and made a populous settlement.

Among the writers of history Theopompus of

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ἀρχὴν τῶν περὶ Φίλιππον ἱστοριῶν ἐντεῦθεν ποιησάμενος γέγραφεν βύβλους ὀκτὼ πρὸς ταῖς πεντήκοντα, ἐξ ὧν πέντε διαφωνοῦσιν.

4. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Εὐχαρίστου Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Κόιντον Σερουίλιον καὶ Κόιντον1 Γενούκιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ὁ Φίλιππος πρέσβεις ἐκπέμψας εἰς Ἀθήνας ἔπεισε τὸν δῆμον εἰρήνην πρὸς αὐτὸν συνθέσθαι διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔτ 2προσποιεῖσθαι τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν. ἀπολυθεὶς δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πολέμου καὶ πυνθανόμενος τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Παιόνων Ἆγιν τετελευτηκέναι ὑπέλαβε καιρὸν ἔχειν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς Παίοσιν. στρατεύσας οὖν εἰς τὴν Παιονίαν καὶ παρατάξει τοὺς βαρβάρους νικήσας ἠνάγκασε τὸ ἔθνος πειθαρχεῖν 3τοῖς Μακεδόσιν. ὑπολειπομένων δὲ πολεμίων τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο καὶ τούτους καταπολεμῆσαι εὐθὺς οὖν συναγαγὼν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας οίκείοις λόγοις προτρεψάμενος εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐστράτευσεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν χώραν, πεζοὺς μὲν ἔχων οὐκ ἐλάττους μυρίων, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑξακοσίους. 4Βάρδυλις2 δ᾿ ὁ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν βασιλεὺς πυθόμενος τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν πολεμίων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλεν περὶ διαλύσεως ἐφ᾿ ὅτῳ κυρίους ἀμφοτέρους εἶναι τῶν τότε κυριευομένων πόλεων· τοῦ δὲ Φιλίππου φήσαντος ἐπιθυμεῖν μὲν τῆς εἰρήνης, μὴ μέντοι γε ταύτην συγχωρήσειν ἐὰν μὴ τῶν Μακεδονικῶν πόλεων

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Chios1 began his history of Philip at this point and 360/59 b.c. composed fifty-eight books, of which five are lost.

4. When Eucharistus was archon at Athens, the 359/8 b.c Romans elected as consuls Quintus Servilius and Quintus Genucius. During their term of office Philip sent ambassadors to Athens and persuaded the assembly to make peace with him on the ground that he abandoned for all time any claim to Amphipolis.2 Now that he was relieved of the war with the Athenians and had information that the king of the Paeonians, Agis, was dead, he conceived that he had the opportunity to attack the Paeonians. Accordingly, having conducted an expedition into Peaonia and defeated the barbarians in a battle, he compelled the tribe to acknowledge allegiance to the Macedonians. And since the Illyrians were still left as enemies, he was ambitious to defeat them in war also. So, having quickly called an assembly and exhorted his soldiers for the war in a fitting speech, he led an expedition into the Illyrian territory, having no less than ten thousand foot-soldiers and six hundred horsemen. Bardylis,3 the king of the Illyrians, having learned of the presence of the enemy, first dispatched envoys to arrange for a cessation of hostilities on the condition that both sides remained possessed of the cities which they then controlled. But when Philip said that he indeed desired peace but would not, however, concur in that proposal unless the Illyrians should withdraw

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ἁπασῶν ἐκχωρήσωσιν Ἰλλυριοί, οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις ἐπανῆλθον ἄπρακτοι, ὁ δὲ Βάρδυλις πιστεύων ταῖς τε προγεγενημέναις νίκαις καὶ ταῖς τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀνδραγαθίαις ἀπήντα τοῖς πολεμίοις μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως· εἶχεν δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν μυρίους ἐπιλέκτους, 5ἱππεῖς δὲ εἰς πεντακοσίους. ὡς δ᾿ ἤγγιζον ἀλλήλοις τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ μετὰ βοῆς πολλῆς συνέρραξαν εἰς τὴν μάχην, ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἔχων τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν Μακεδόνων συναγωνιζομένους τοῖς μὲν ἱππεῦσι παρήγγειλεν παριππεῦσαι καὶ πλαγίοις ἐμβαλεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις, αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ στόμα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπιπεσὼν καρτερὰν 6συνεστήσατο μάχην. οἱ δ᾿ Ἰλλυριοὶ συντάξαντες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς πλινθίον ἐρρωμένως συνεστήσαντο1 τὸν κίνδυνον. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἦν ἰσόρροπος ἡ μάχη διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις ἀνδραγαθίας, καὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἀναιρουμένων ἔτι δὲ πλειόνων τιτρωσκομένων ὁ κίνδυνος δεῦρο κἀκεῖσε τὰς ῥοπὰς ἐλάμβανεν, ταλαντευόμενος αἰεὶ ταῖς τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἀρεταῖς· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν ἱππέων ἐκ πλαγίου καὶ κατὰ νώτου βιαζομένων, τοῦ δὲ Φιλίππου μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων ἡρωικῶς ἀγωνισαμένου συνηναγκάσθη τὸ πλῆθος 7τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν πρὸς φυγὴν ὁρμῆσαι. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διώξεως ἐπὶ πολὺν τόπον καὶ πολλῶν κατὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἀναιρεθέντων ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἀνακαλεσάμενος τῇ σάλπιγγι τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ στήσας τρόπαιον ἔθαψεν τῶν ἰδίων τοὺς τετελευτηκότας, οἱ δ᾿ Ἰλλυριοὶ διαπρεσβευσάμενοι καὶ τῶν Μακεδονικῶν πόλεων πασῶν ἐκχωρήσαντες ἔτυχον τῆς

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from all the Macedonian cities, the envoys returned 859/8 b.c. without having accomplished their purpose, and Bardylis, relying upon his previous victories and the gallant conduct of the Illyrians, came out to meet the enemy with his army; and he had ten thousand picked infantry soldiers and about five hundred cavalry. When the armies approached each other and with a great outcry clashed in the battle, Philip, commanding the right wing, which consisted of the flower of the Macedonians serving under him, ordered his cavalry to ride past the ranks of the barbarians and attack them on the flank, while he himself falling on the enemy in a frontal assault began a bitter combat.1 But the Illyrians, forming themselves into a square, courageously entered the fray. And at first for a long while the battle was evenly poised because of the exceeding gallantry displayed on both sides, and as many were slain and still more wounded, the fortune of battle vacillated first one way then the other, being constantly swayed by the valorous deeds of the combatants; but later as the horsemen pressed on from the flank and rear and Philip with the flower of his troops fought with true heroism, the mass of the Illyrians was compelled to take hastily to flight. When the pursuit had been kept up for a considerable distance and many had been slain in their flight, Philip recalled the Macedonians with the trumpet and erecting a trophy of victory buried his own dead, while the Illyrians, having sent ambassadors and withdrawn from all the Macedonian cities, obtained peace. But

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εἰρήνης. ἀνῃρέθησαν δὲ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ πλείους τῶν ἑπτακισχιλίων.

5. Ἡμεῖς δ᾿ ἐπεὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μακεδονικὴν καὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα διήλθομεν, μεταβησόμεθα πρὸς τὰς ἑτερογενεῖς πράξεις. κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Σικελίαν Διονύσιος ὁ τῶν Συρακοσίων τύραννος ὁ νεώτερος παρειληφὼς μὲν τὴν δυναστείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀνωτέρω καιροῖς, ἄπρακτος δ᾿ ὢν καὶ πολὺ τοῦ πατρὸς καταδεέστερος προσεποιεῖτο διὰ τὴν ἀπραγίαν εἰρηνικὸς 2εἶναι καὶ πρᾷος τὸν τρόπον. διόπερ πρὸς Καρχηδονίους διαδεδεγμένος τὸν πόλεμον πρός τε τούτους εἰρήνην συνέθετο καὶ πρὸς Λευκανοὺς ὁμοίως διαπολεμήσας ἀργῶς ἐπί τινα χρόνον καὶ ταῖς τελευταίαις μάχαις ἐπὶ τοῦ προτερήματος γενόμενος ἀσμένως πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατελύσατο τὸν πόλεμον. 3κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀπουλίαν δύο πόλεις ἔκτισε βουλόμενος ἀσφαλῆ τοῖς πλέουσι τὸν Ἰόνιον πόρον ποιῆσαι· οἱ γὰρ τὴν παραθαλάττιον οἰκοῦντες βάρβαροι λῃστρίσι πολλαῖς πλέοντες ἄπλουν τοῖς ἐμπόροις παρεσκεύαζον πᾶσαν τὴν περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν 4θάλατταν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα δοὺς ἑαυτὸν εἰς βίον εἰρηνικὸν ἐξέλυσε μὲν τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰς ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς1 γυμνασίας, μεγίστην δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην δυναστειῶν παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς λεγομένην ἀδάμαντι δεδέσθαι

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more than seven thousand Illyrians were slain in this 359/8 b.c. battle.

5. Since we have finished with the affairs of Macedonia and Illyria, we shall now turn to events of a different kind. In Sicily Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of the Syracusans, who had succeeded to the realm1 in the period preceding this but was indolent and much inferior to his father, pretended because of his lack of enterprise to be peacefully inclined and mild of disposition.2 Accordingly, since he had inherited the war with the Carthaginians,3 he made peace with them and likewise pursued war listlessly for some time against the Lucanians4 and then, in the latest battles having had the advantage, he gladly brought to a close the war against them. In Apulia he founded two cities because he wished to make safe for navigators the passage across the Ionian Sea; for the barbarians who dwelt along the coast were accustomed to put out in numerous pirate ships and render the whole shore along the Adriatic Sea unsafe for merchants. Thereafter, having given himself over to a peaceful existence, he relieved the soldiers of their drills in warfare and though he had succeeded to the greatest of the realms in Europe, the tyranny that was said by his father to be bound

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τυραννίδα διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀνανδρίαν παραδόξως ἀπέβαλεν. τὰς δὲ αἰτίας τῆς καταλύσεως καὶ τὰς κατὰ μέρος πράξεις ἀναγράφειν πειρασόμεθα.

6. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος γὰρ Ἀθήνησι Κηφισοδότου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Γάιον Λικίνιον καὶ Γάιον Σουλπίκιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Δίων ὁ Ἱππαρίνου, Συρακοσίων ὑπάρχων ἐπιφανέστατος, ἔφυγεν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ διὰ τὴν λαμπρότητα τῆς ψυχῆς ἠλευθέρωσε Συρακοσίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Σικελιώτας 2διὰ τοιαύτας τινὰς αἰτίας. ὁ πρεσβύτερος Διονύσιος ἐκ δυεῖν γυναικῶν ἦν πεπαιδοποιημένος, ἐκ μὲν τῆς πρώτης Λοκρίδος οὔσης τὸ γένος Διονύσιον τὸν διαδεξάμενον τὴν τυραννίδα, ἐκ δὲ τῆς δευτέρας Ἱππαρίνου θυγατρὸς οὔσης, εὐδοκιμωτάτου Συρακοσίων, δύο παῖδας, Ἱππαρῖνον καὶ 3Νυσαῖον.1 ἐτύγχανε δὲ τῆς δευτέρας γυναικὸς ἀδελφὸς ὢν Δίων, ἀνὴρ ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ μεγάλην ἔχων προκοπὴν καὶ κατ᾿ ἀνδρείαν καὶ στρατηγίαν πολὺ 4προέχων τῶν κατ᾿ αὐτὸν Συρακοσίων. οὗτος δὲ διὰ τὴν εὐγένειαν καὶ τὴν λαμπρότητα τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς ὑποψίαν ἦλθε τῷ τυράννῳ, δόξας ἀξιόχρεως εἶναι καταλῦσαι τὴν τυραννίδα. φοβούμενος οὖν αὐτὸν ὁ Διονύσιος ἔκρινεν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα, συλλαβὼν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. ὁ δὲ Δίων αἰσθόμενος τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκρύφθη παρά τισιν τῶν φίλων, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἔφυγεν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας εἰς

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fast by adamantine chains,1 yet, strange to say, he 359/8 b.c. lost it all by his pusillanimity. The causes for its dissolution and the various events I shall attempt to record.

6. When Cephisodotus was archon at Athens, the 358/7 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Gaius Licinius and Gaius Sulpicius. During their term of office Dion, son of Hipparinus and the most distinguished of the Syracusans, escaped from Sicily2 and by his nobility of spirit set free the Syracusans and the other Sicilian Greeks in the following manner. Dionysius the Elder had begotten children of two wives, of the first, who was a Locrian by birth, Dionysius, who succeeded to the tyranny, and of the second, who was the daughter of Hipparinus, a Syracusan of great renown, two sons Hipparinus and Nysaeus. It chanced that the brother of the second wife was Dion, a man who had great proficiency in philosophy3 and, in the matter of courage and skill in the art of war, far surpassed the other Syracusans of his time. Dion, because of his high birth and nobility of spirit, fell under suspicion with the tyrant, for he was considered powerful enough to overthrow the tyranny. So, fearing him, Dionysius decided to get him out of the way by arresting him on a charge involving the death penalty. But Dion, becoming aware of this, was at first concealed in the homes of some of his friends, and

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Πελοπόννησον, ἔχων μεθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μεγακλῆν καὶ Ἡρακλείδην1 τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν 5τεταγμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου. καταπλεύσας δ᾿ εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον τοὺς μὲν Κορινθίους ἠξίου συνεπιλαβέσθαι τῆς ἐλευθερώσεως2 τῶν Συρακοσίων, αὐτὸς δὲ μισθοφόρους συνῆγε καὶ πανοπλίας συνήθροιζε. ταχὺ δὲ πολλῶν ὑπακουόντων πανοπλίας τε παρεσκευάζετο καὶ μισθοφόρους συχνούς, καὶ φορτηγοὺς δύο ναῦς μισθωσάμενος τά τε ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἐνθέμενος αὐτὸς μὲν ταύτας τὰς φορτίδας ἔχων ἐξέπλευσεν ἐκ Ζακύνθου τῆς πρὸς Κεφαλληνίαν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν, Ἡρακλείδην3 δὲ ἀπέλιπεν τριήρεις τινὰς καὶ ἑτέρας φορτηγοὺς4 ἄξοντα κατόπιν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσσας.

7. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ἀνδρόμαχος ὁ Ταυρομενίτης, Τιμαίου μὲν τοῦ τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράψαντος πατὴρ ὤν, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ ψυχῆς λαμπρότητι διαφέρων ἤθροισε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Νάξου τῆς κατασκαφείσης ὑπὸ Διονυσίου περιλειφθέντας. οἰκίσας δὲ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Νάξου λόφον τὸν ὀνομαζόμενον Ταῦρον καὶ μείνας κατ᾿ αὐτὸν πλείω χρόνον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ταύρου μονῆς ὠνόμασε Ταυρομένιον.

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then escaped from Sicily to the Peloponnese in the 358/7 b.c. company of his brother Megacles and of Heracleides who had been appointed commandant of the garrison by the tyrant. When he landed at Corinth, he besought the Corinthians1 to collaborate with him in setting free the Syracusans, and he himself began to gather mercenary troops and to collect suits of armour.2 Soon many gave ear to his pleas and he gradually accumulated large supplies of armour and many mercenaries,3 then, hiring two merchantmen, he loaded on board arms and men, while he himself with these transports sailed from Zacynthus, which is near Cephallenia, to Sicily, but he left Heracleides behind to bring up later some triremes as well as merchantmen to Syracuse.

7. While these things were going on, Andromachus of Tauromenium,4 who was the father of Timaeus, the author of the Histories, and distinguished for his wealth and nobility of spirit, gathered together the men who had survived the razing of Naxos by Dionysius. Having settled the hill above Naxos called Tauros and remained there a considerable time, he called it Tauromenium from his “remaining on

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ταχὺ δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἐπίδοσιν λαμβανούσης οἱ μὲν οἰκήτορες μεγάλους περιεποιήσαντο πλούτους, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἀξιόλογον ἀξίωμα περιποιησαμένη τὸ τελευταῖον ἐν τῷ καθ᾿ ἡμᾶς βίῳ Καίσαρος ἀναστήσαντος τοὺς Ταυρομενίτας ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀποικίαν ἐδέξατο.

2Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις οἱ τὴν Εὔβοιαν κατοικοῦντες ἐστασίασαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ τῶν μὲν τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς τῶν δὲ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπικαλεσαμένων συνέστη πόλεμος κατὰ τὴν Εὔβοιαν. γενομένων δὲ πλειόνων συμπλοκῶν καὶ ἀκροβολισμῶν ὁτὲ μὲν οἱ Θηβαῖοι προετέρουν ὁτὲ δ᾿ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν νίκην ἀπεφέροντο. μεγάλη μὲν οὖν παράταξις οὐδεμία συνετελέσθη· τῆς δὲ νήσου διὰ τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον καταφθαρείσης καὶ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέρων διαφθαρέντων μόγις ταῖς συμφοραῖς νουθετηθέντες εἰς ὁμόνοιαν ἦλθον καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην συνέθεντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

Οἱ μὲν οὖν Βοιωτοὶ τὴν εἰς οἶκον ἐπάνοδον ποιησάμενοι 3τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἦγον· οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι Χίων

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Tauros.”1 And as the city made quick progress, the 358/7 b.c. inhabitants laid up great wealth, and the city, which had won considerable repute, finally in our own lifetime, after Caesar2 had expelled the inhabitants of Tauromenium from their native land, received a colony of Roman citizens.

While these things were going on, the inhabitants of Euboea fell into strife among themselves, and when one party summoned the Boeotians to its assistance and the other the Athenians, war broke out over all Euboea. A good many close combats and skirmishes occurred in which sometimes the Thebans were superior and sometimes the Athenians carried off the victory. Although no important pitched battle was fought to a finish, yet when the island had been devastated by the intestinal warfare and many men had been slain on both sides, at long last admonished by the disasters, the parties came to an agreement and made peace with one another.3

Now the Boeotians returned home and remained quiet, but the Athenians, who had suffered the revolt

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καὶ Ῥοδίων καὶ Κῴων, ἔτι δὲ Βυζαντίων ἀποστάντων ἐνέπεσον εἰς πόλεμον τὸν ὀνομασθέντα συμμαχικόν, ὃς διέμεινεν ἔτη τρία. ἑλόμενοι δὲ στρατηγοὺς Χάρητα καὶ Χαβρίαν ἀπέστειλαν μετὰ δυνάμεως. οὗτοι δὲ πλεύσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν Χίον κατέλαβον παραγεγονότας συμμάχους τοῖς Χίοις παρὰ Βυζαντίων καὶ Ῥοδίων καὶ Κῴων, ἔτι δὲ Μαυσώλου τοῦ Καρῶν δυνάστου. ἐκτάξαντες δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπολιόρκουν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Χάρης τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατεύματος ἡγούμενος κατὰ γῆν προσῄει τοῖς τείχεσι καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ1 τῆς πόλεως ἐκχυθέντας ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν διηγωνίζετο· ὁ δὲ Χαβρίας προσπλεύσας τῷ λιμένι ναυμαχίαν καρτερὰν συνεστήσατο καὶ τῆς 4νεὼς τοῖς ἐμβόλοις ἀναρραγείσης κατεπονεῖτο. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων νεῶν εἴξαντες τῷ καιρῷ διεσώθησαν, ὁ δ᾿ ἀντὶ τῆς ἥττης ἀλλαξάμενος τὸν εὐκλεᾶ θάνατον ἀγωνιζόμενος ὑπὲρ τῆς νεὼς καὶ τρωθεὶς ἐτελεύτησε.

8. Περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Φίλιππος ὁ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς μεγάλῃ παρατάξει νενικηκὼς τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ πάντας τοὺς μέχρι τῆς Λυχνίτιδος καλουμένης λίμνης κατοικοῦντας ὑπηκόους πεποιημένος ἀνέκαμψεν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν, συντεθειμένος ἔνδοξον εἰρήνην πρὸς τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς,

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of Chios, Rhodes, and Cos and, moreover, of Byzantium, 358/7 b.c. became involved in the war called the Social War which lasted three years.1 The Athenians chose Chares and Chabrias as generals and dispatched them with an army. The two generals on sailing into Chios found that allies had arrived to assist the Chians from Byzantium, Rhodes, and Cos, and also from Mausolus,2 the tyrant of Caria. They then drew up their forces and began to besiege the city both by land and by sea. Now Chares, who commanded the infantry force, advanced against the walls by land and began a struggle with the enemy who poured out on him from the city; but Chabrias, sailing up to the harbour, fought a severe naval engagement and was worsted when his ship was shattered by a ramming attack. While the men on the other ships withdrew in the nick of time and saved their lives, he, choosing death with glory instead of defeat, fought on for his ship and died of his wounds.3

8. About the same time Philip, king of the Macedonians, who had been victorious over the Illyrians4 in a great battle and had made subject all the people who dwelt there as far as the lake called Lychnitis,5 now returned to Macedonia, having arranged a noteworthy peace with the Illyrians and won great acclaim

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περιβόητός τε ὑπάρχων παρὰ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐπὶ 2τοῖς δι᾿ ἀνδρείαν κατωρθωμένοις. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν τὴν Ἀμφίπολιν οἰκούντων ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς αὐτὸν διατεθέντων καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς δόντων εἰς πόλεμον ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἀξιολόγῳ δυνάμει. προσαγαγὼν δὲ τοῖς τείχεσι μηχανὰς καὶ προσβολὰς1 ἐνεργοὺς καὶ συνεχεῖς ποιησάμενος κατέβαλε μὲν τοῖς κριοῖς μέρος τι τοῦ τείχους, παρεισελθὼν δ᾿ εἰς τὴν πόλιν διὰ τοῦ πτώματος καὶ τῶν ἀντιστάντων πολλοὺς καταβαλὼν ἐκυρίευσε τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένους ἐφυγάδευσε, τοῖς δ᾿ ἄλλοις φιλανθρώπως 3προσηνέχθη. ἡ δὲ πόλις αὕτη κειμένη κατὰ τῆς Θρᾴκης καὶ τῶν σύνεγγυς τόπων εὐφυῶς πολλὰ συνεβάλετο τῷ Φιλίππῳ πρὸς αὔξησιν. εὐθὺ γὰρ τὴν μὲν Πύδναν ἐχειρώσατο, πρὸς δὲ Ὀλυνθίους συμμαχίαν ἔθετο καὶ Ποτίδαιαν ὡμολόγησε περιποιήσειν αὐτοῖς, ὑπὲρ ἧς Ὀλύνθιοι πολλὴν σπουδὴν 4ἔσχον κυριεῦσαι τῆς πόλεως. τῶν δ᾿ Ὀλυνθίων βαρεῖαν πόλιν οἰκούντων καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν ταύτῃ2 ἐνοικούντων πολλὴν ἐχόντων3 ῥοπὴν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον περιμάχητος ἦν ἡ πόλις τοῖς ἡγεμονίας μείζονος ὀρεγομένοις. διόπερ οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος διεφιλοτιμοῦντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ 5τῆς τῶν Ὀλυνθίων συμμαχίας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾿ ὁ

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among the Macedonians for the successes due to his 358/7 b.c. valour. Thereupon, finding that the people of Amphipolis1 were ill-disposed toward him and offered many pretexts for war, he entered upon a campaign against them with a considerable force. By bringing siege-engines against the walls2 and launching severe and continuous assaults, he succeeded in breaching a portion of the wall with his battering rams, whereupon, having entered the city through the breach and struck down many of his opponents, he obtained the mastery of the city and exiled those who were disaffected toward him, but treated the rest considerately.3 Since this city was favourably situated with regard to Thrace and the neighbouring regions, it contributed greatly to the aggrandizement of Philip. Indeed he immediately reduced Pydna,4 and made an alliance with the Olynthians5 in the terms of which he agreed to take over for them Potidaea, a city which the Olynthians had set their hearts on possessing. Since the Olynthians inhabited an important city and because of its huge population had great influence in war, their city was an object of contention for those who sought to extend their supremacy. For this reason the Athenians and Philip were rivals against one another for the alliance with the Olynthians. However that may

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Φίλιππος Ποτίδαιαν ἐκπολιορκήσας τὴν μὲν τῶν Ἀθηναίων φρουρὰν ἐξήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ φιλανθρώπως αὐτῇ προσενεγκάμενος ἐξαπέστειλεν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας (σφόδρα γὰρ εὐλαβεῖτο τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ἀθηναίων διὰ τὸ βάρος καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς πόλεως)· τὴν δὲ πόλιν1 ἐξανδραποδισάμενος παρέδωκε τοῖς Ὀλυνθίοις, δωρησάμενος ἅμα καὶ τὰς 6κατὰ τὴν χώραν κτήσεις. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρελθὼν ἐπὶ πόλιν Κρηνίδας ταύτην μὲν ἐπαυξήσας οἰκητόρων πλήθει μετωνόμασε Φιλίππους, ἀφ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ προσαγορεύσας, τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν χώραν2 χρύσεια μέταλλα παντελῶς ὄντα λιτὰ καὶ ἄδοξα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὔξησεν ὥστε δύνασθαι φέρειν αὐτῷ πρόσοδον πλεῖον ἢ ταλάντων χιλίων. 7ἐκ δὲ τούτων ταχὺ σωρεύσας πλοῦτον, αἰεὶ μᾶλλον διὰ τὴν εὐπορίαν τῶν χρημάτων εἰς ὑπεροχὴν μεγάλην ἤγαγε τὴν Μακεδονικὴν βασιλείαν· νόμισμα γὰρ χρυσοῦν κόψας τὸ προσαγορευθὲν ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνου Φιλίππειον μισθοφόρων τε δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον συνεστήσατο καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πολλοὺς διὰ τούτου προετρέψατο προδότας γενέσθαι τῶν πατρίδων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων αἱ κατὰ μέρος πράξεις3 ἕκαστα δηλώσουσιν, ἡμεῖς δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὰς συνεχεῖς πράξεις μεταβιβάσομεν τὸν λόγον.

9. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος γὰρ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀγαθοκλέους Ρωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Φάβιον καὶ

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be, Philip, when he had forced Potidaea to surrender, 358/7 b.c. led the Athenian garrison out of the city and, treating it considerately, sent it back to Athens—for he was particularly solicitous toward the people of Athens on account of the importance and repute of their city—but, having sold the inhabitants into slavery, he handed it over to the Olynthians, presenting them also at the same time with all the properties in the territory of Potidaea. After this he went to the city of Crenides,1 and having increased its size with a large number of inhabitants, changed its name to Philippi, giving it his own name, and then, turning to the gold mines in its territory, which were very scanty and insignificant, he increased their output so much by his improvements that they could bring him a revenue of more than a thousand talents. And because from these mines he had soon amassed a fortune, with the abundance of money he raised the Macedonian kingdom higher and higher to a greatly superior position, for with the gold coins which he struck, which came to be known from his name as Philippeioi,2 he organized a large force of mercenaries, and by using these coins for bribes induced many Greeks to become betrayers of their native lands. But concerning these matters the several events, when recorded, will explain everything in detail, and we shall now shift our account back to the events in the order of their occurrence.

9. When Agathocles was archon at Athens, the 357/6 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Gaius

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Γάιον Πόπλιον.1 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Δίων ὁ Ἱππαρίνου κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν καταλύσων τὴν Διονυσίου τυραννίδα, ἐλαχίσταις δὲ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ πάντων χρησάμενος ἀφορμαῖς μεγίστην δυναστείαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην κατέλυσεν ἀνελπίστως. 2τίς γὰρ ἂν πιστεύσειεν ὅτι δυσὶ φορτηγοῖς ναυσὶ καταπλεύσας περιεγένετο δυνάστου ναῦς μὲν μακρὰς ἔχοντος τετρακοσίας, στρατιώτας δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς δέκα μυριάδας, ἱππεῖς δὲ μυρίους, ὅπλων δὲ καὶ σίτου καὶ χρημάτων τοσαύτην παρασκευὴν ὅσην εἰκός ἐστι2 κεκτῆσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα χορηγήσειν δαψιλῶς ταῖς προειρημέναις δυνάμεσι, χωρὶς δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων πόλιν μὲν ἔχοντα μεγίστην τῶν Ἑλληνίδων, λιμένας δὲ καὶ νεώρια καὶ κατεσκευασμένας ἀκροπόλεις ἀναλώτους, ἔτι δὲ συμμάχων 3δυνατῶν ἔχοντα πλῆθος; αἰτία δ᾿ ὑπῆρχε τῷ Δίωνι τῶν προτερημάτων μάλιστα μὲν ἡ ἰδία λαμπρότης τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ ἀνδρεία καὶ ἡ τῶν ἐλευθεροῦσθαι μελλόντων εὔνοια, τὸ δὲ τούτων ἁπάντων μεῖζον ἥ τε ἀνανδρία τοῦ τυράννου καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀρχομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα πρὸς ἕνα καιρὸν συνδραμόντα παραδόξως τὰς ἀπιστουμένας πράξεις πρὸς τέλος ἤγαγεν.

4Ἡμεῖς δ᾿ ἀφέμενοι τούτων τῶν λόγων ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναγραφὴν τῶν κατὰ μέρος πεπραγμένων τρεψόμεθα. Δίων γὰρ ἐκ Ζακύνθου τῆς πρὸς Κεφαλληνίαν

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Poplius. During their term of office, Dion son of 357/6 b.c. Hipparinus sailed to Sicily intending to overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius, and with slenderer resources than those of any conqueror before his time he succeeded contrary to all expectation in overthrowing the greatest realm in all Europe. Who, indeed, would have believed that, putting ashore with two1 merchantmen, he could actually have overcome the despot who had at his disposal four hundred ships2 of war, infantry numbering nearly one hundred thousand, ten thousand horse, and as great a store of arms, food, and money as one in all probability possessed who had to maintain lavishly the aforesaid forces; and, apart from all we have mentioned, had a city which was the largest of the cities of Hellas, and harbours and docks and fortified citadels3 that were impregnable, and, besides, a great number of powerful allies? The cause for Dion’s successes was, above all others, his own nobility of spirit, his courage, and the willing support of those who were to be liberated, but still more important than all these were the pusillanimity of the tyrant and his subjects’ hatred of him; for when all these characteristics merged at a single critical moment, they unexpectedly brought to a successful close deeds which were considered impossible.

But we must forgo these reflections and turn to the detailed narrative of the events as they severally occurred. Dion, having sailed from Zacynthos, which

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δυσὶ φορτίσι ναυσὶν ἀναχθεὶς κατέπλευσε τῆς Ἀκραγαντίνης εἰς τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Μίνῳαν. αὕτη δὲ τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν ὑπὸ Μίνωος ἐκτίσθη τοῦ βασιλέως Κρητῶν, καθ᾿ ὃν καιρὸν ζητῶν Δαίδαλον ἐπεξενώθη Κωκάλῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Σικανῶν· κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς ἡ μὲν πόλις αὕτη τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὑπήκουεν,1 ὁ δ᾿ ἐπιστάτης αὐτῆς, ὄνομα Πάραλος, φίλος ὢν Δίωνος προθύμως 5ὑπεδέξατ᾿ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Δίων ἐξελόμενος ἐκ τῶν φορτηγῶν πανοπλίας πεντακισχιλίας τῷ Παράλῳ παρέδωκεν καὶ παρεκάλεσεν αὐτὸν ἁμάξαις παρακομίσαι πρὸς τὰς Συρακούσσας· αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς μισθοφόρους παραλαβών, ὄντας χιλίους, προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὰς Συρακούσσας. ἐν παρόδῳ δὲ τούς τε Ἀκραγαντίνους καὶ Γελῴους καί τινας τῶν τὴν μεσόγειον οἰκούντων Σικανῶν τε καὶ Σικελῶν, ἔτι δὲ Καμαριναίους2 πείσας συνελευθερῶσαι τοὺς Συρακοσίους 6προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τοῦ τυράννου. πολλῶν δὲ πάντοθεν συρρυέντων μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ταχὺ πλείους τῶν δισμυρίων στρατιωτῶν ἠθροίσθησαν. οὐδὲν δ᾿ ἧττον καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας Ἑλλήνων καὶ Μεσσηνίων μετεπέμφθησαν καὶ πάντες σὺν πολλῇ προθυμίᾳ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἧκον.

10. Ὡς δ᾿ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις3 τῆς Συρακοσίας ὁ Δίων ἦν, ἀπήντα πρὸς αὐτὸν πλῆθος ἀνόπλων ἀνθρώπων

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lies by Cephallenia, with two merchantmen, put in at 357/6 b.c. the harbour of Acragas named Minoa. This had been founded of olden time by Minos, king of the Cretans, on the occasion when, in his search for Daedalus, he had been entertained by Cocalus, king of the Sicanians,1 but in the period with which we are concerned this city was subject to the Carthaginians, and its governor, named Paralus,2 who was a friend of Dion, received him enthusiastically. Dion, having unloaded from the merchantmen five thousand suits of armour, handed them over to Paralus and requested him to transport them on wagons to Syracuse, while he himself, taking along the mercenaries3 numbering a thousand, led them against Syracuse. On the march he persuaded the peoples of Acragas, Gela, and some of the Sicanians and Sicels who dwelt in the interior, also the people of Camarina, to join in the liberation of the Syracusans, and then advanced to overthrow the tyrant. Since many men with their arms streamed in from all sides, soon more than twenty thousand soldiers were gathered. Likewise many also of the Greeks from Italy and of the Messenians were summoned, and all came in haste with great enthusiasm.4

10. When Dion was on the borders of the Syracusan territory, there came to meet him a host of men without

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ἔκ τε τῆς χώρας καὶ τῆς πόλεως· ἀπίστως γὰρ διακείμενος ὁ Διονύσιος πρὸς τοὺς Συρακοσίους 2πολλῶν τὰ ὅπλα παρῄρητο.1 κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μὲν τύραννος περὶ τὰς νεοκτίστους πόλεις κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν διέτριβε μετὰ πολλῶν δυνάμεων, οἱ δ᾿ ἐπὶ τῆς φυλακῆς τῶν Συρακουσσῶν ἀπολειφθέντες ἡγεμόνες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπειρῶντο μετακαλεῖσθαι τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἀπὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως· ἀκατασχέτου δὲ τῆς ὁρμῆς τῶν ὄχλων οὔσης ἀπογνόντες2 τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ τοὺς τὰ τοῦ δυνάστου φρονοῦντας ἤθροισαν καὶ τὰς τάξεις πληρώσαντες 3τοῖς ἀφεστηκόσιν ἐπιθέσθαι διέγνωσαν. Δίων δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἀνόπλοις τῶν Συρακοσίων διέδωκε τὰς πεντακισχιλίας πανοπλίας, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν τοῖς παρατυχοῦσιν ὅπλοις συνεσκεύασεν. συναγαγὼν δ᾿ ἅπαντας εἰς κοινὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀπεφαίνετο μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἥκειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθέρωσιν τῶν Σικελιωτῶν, παρεκάλει δὲ στρατηγοὺς αἱρεῖσθαι τοὺς εὐθέτους πρὸς τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν τῆς αὐτονομίας καὶ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς ὅλης τυραννίδος. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ὥσπερ ἀπὸ μιᾶς φωνῆς ἀνεβόησε στρατηγοὺς αἱρεῖσθαι τόν τε Δίωνα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν 4αὐτοῦ Μεγακλῆν αὐτοκράτορας. εὐθὺς οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκτάξας τὴν δύναμιν προσῆγε τῇ πόλει. οὐδενὸς δ᾿ ἀντιποιουμένου τῶν ὑπαίθρων ἀδεῶς εἰσῆλθεν ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους καὶ διὰ τῆς

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arms both from the countryside and from the city; 357/6 b.c. for Dionysius, being suspicious of the Syracusans, had disarmed many of them. About this time the tyrant was sojourning in the newly founded cities1 along the Adriatic with large forces, and the commanders who had been left in charge of the garrison of Syracuse at first attempted to summon back the Syracusans from their revolt, but when the impulse of the mobs could not be checked they gave up in despair and gathered mercenaries and those who favoured the cause of the tyrant, and having filled their ranks decided to attack the insurgents. Dion distributed the five thousand suits of armour2 to such of the Syracusans as were unarmed, and equipped the rest as well as he could with weapons that came to hand. Then having brought them all to a general assembly, he disclosed that he had come for the liberation of the Greeks of Sicily, and he urged them to elect as generals those men who were well qualified to effect the restoration of their independence and the dissolution of the entire tyranny. The crowd as with one voice cried out that it chose Dion and his brother Megacles3 as generals with absolute power.4 Accordingly he drew up his army in line of battle immediately at the close of the assembly and advanced upon the city. Since no one disputed with him the open country, he entered fearlessly within the walls, and making his way through

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Ἀχραδινῆς πορευθεὶς εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν κατεστρατοπέδευσεν, 5οὐδενὸς τολμῶντος ἐπεξιέναι. ὁ δὲ σύμπας ἀριθμὸς ἦν τῶν μετὰ Δίωνος στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν πεντακισμυρίων. οὗτοι δὲ πάντες ἐστεφανωμένοι κατῆλθον εἰς τὴν πόλιν προηγουμένου τοῦ τε Δίωνος καὶ τοῦ Μεγακλέους καὶ μετὰ τούτων τριάκοντα Συρακοσίων, οἳ μόνοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον φυγάδων Συρακοσίοις μετασχεῖν τῶν κινδύνων1 ἠθέλησαν.

11. Τῆς δὲ πόλεως πάσης μετημφιεσμένης ἀντὶ τῆς δουλείας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ σκυθρωπὸν τῆς τυραννίδος εἰς πανηγυρικὴν ἱλαρότητα τῆς τύχης ἀγούσης πᾶσα οἰκία θυσιῶν καὶ χαρᾶς ἔγεμε, τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἰδίαις ἑστίαις θυμιώντων καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν εὐχαριστούντων τοῖς θεοῖς, περὶ δὲ τῶν μελλόντων εὐχὰς ἀγαθὰς ποιουμένων. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀνελπίστοις εὐημερίαις ὀλολυγμὸς πολὺς καὶ καθ᾿ 2ἅπασαν τὴν πόλιν συνδρομαί. οὐδεὶς δ᾿ ἦν ἐλεύθερος, οὐ δοῦλος, οὐ ξένος, ὃς οὐκ ἔσπευδεν ἰδεῖν τὸν Δίωνα, καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς πάντες ἀπεδέχοντο μειζόνως ἢ κατ᾿ ἄνθρωπον. καὶ τοῦτ᾿ εὐλόγως ἔπασχον διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ παράδοξον τῆς μεταβολῆς· πεντηκονταετοῦς γὰρ δουλείας πεπειραμένοι καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐπιλελησμένοι δι᾿ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴν ἀπελύθησαν τῆς συμφορᾶς.

3Διονύσιος δὲ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιροὺς αὐτὸς

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Achradina1 encamped in the market-place, no one 357/6 b.c. daring to come out against him. The whole number of the soldiers with Dion was not less than fifty thousand.2 All of these with garlands on their heads came down to the city under the leadership of Dion and Megacles and with them thirty3 Syracusans who alone of the exiles in the Peloponnese were willing to share the battles with their fellow Syracusans.

11. Now that all the city had put on the garb of freedom in exchange for that of slavery and that fortune had changed the sullen looks of the tyranny to festival gaiety, every house was filled with sacrificing and rejoicing, as the citizens burnt incense on their own hearths, thanked the gods for their present blessings, and offered hopeful prayers for blessings to come. The women too raised great shouts of joy for the unexpected good fortune and gathered together in throngs throughout the whole city. There was no freeman, no slave, no stranger who did not hasten to gaze upon Dion, and all applauded the man’s valour in terms too exalted for a mere mortal.4 And they had good reason for such feelings because of the magnitude and unexpected nature of the change; for after having experienced fifty years5 of slavery and forgotten the meaning of freedom through the lapse of time, they were suddenly released from their misfortune by the valour of a single man.

Dionysius himself at this time chanced to be

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μὲν ἔτυχε διατρίβων περὶ Καυλωνίαν τῆς Ἰταλίας, Φίλιστον δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ὄντα μετεπέμψατο μετὰ τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως καὶ προσέταξε πλεῖν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσσας. ἀμφοτέρων δ᾿ εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον ἐλθεῖν σπευδόντων ὁ μὲν Διονύσιος ἧκεν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσσας ἡμέραις ὕστερον 4ἑπτὰ τῆς Δίωνος καθόδου. εὐθὺς οὖν καταστρατηγῆσαι βουλόμενος τοὺς Συρακοσίους περὶ διαλύσεως ἐπρεσβεύετο καὶ πολλὰς ἐμφάσεις ἐδίδου παραδώσειν τὴν τυραννίδα τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τῆς δημοκρατίας ἀλλάξεσθαι1 τιμὰς ἀξιολόγους· ἠξίου τε πρέσβεις ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸς αὐτόν, μεθ᾿ ὧν συνεδρεύσας 5καταλύσηται τὸν πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν Συρακόσιοι μετεωρισθέντες ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐξαπέστειλαν πρέσβεις τοὺς ἀξιολογωτάτους τῶν ἀνδρῶν· ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος τούτοις μὲν φυλακὴν περιστήσας ἀνεβάλετο τὴν ἔντευξιν, αὐτὸς δ᾿ ὁρῶν τοὺς Συρακοσίους διὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς εἰρήνης τά τε περὶ τὰς φυλακὰς ῥᾳθύμως ἔχοντας καὶ τὰ πρὸς μάχην ἀπαρασκεύους ἄφνω τὰς πύλας τῆς κατὰ τὴν Νῆσον ἀκροπόλεως ἀνοίξας ἐξεχύθη συντεταγμένῃ τῇ δυνάμει.

12. Τῶν δὲ Συρακοσίων κατεσκευακότων ἀπὸ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν διατείχισμα αὑτῶν2 προσέπεσον οἱ μισθοφόροι τῷ τείχει μετὰ πολλῆς βοῆς καὶ καταπλήξεως καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν φυλάκων ἀνεῖλον, τοῦ δὲ τείχους ἐντὸς γενόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς

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sojourning near Caulonia1 in Italy, and he sent for 357/6 b.c. Philistus2 his general, who was cruising the Adriatic, to come with his fleet and ordered him to sail to Syracuse. Both men made haste to reach the same spot, but Dionysius arrived seven days after the return of Dion. Immediately, then, on his arrival, desirous of outmanoeuvring the Syracusans, he sent an embassy to make peace, and gave many indications that he would surrender his power as tyrant to the people and would accept of the people’s government important privileges in exchange. He requested them to dispatch envoys to him so that he might sit in conference with them and bring the war to an end.3 The Syracusans, accordingly, elated with hopes, dispatched as envoys the most important of their men; but Dionysius, having placed them under guard, postponed the conference and, observing that the Syracusans because of their hope of peace were lax in the matter of garrisons and unprepared for a battle, suddenly opened the gates of the citadel on the Island,4 and issued forth with his army in battle array.

12. Since the Syracusans had constructed a cross-wall of their own from sea to sea, the mercenaries fell upon the wall with a loud and terrifying outcry, massacred many of the garrison and, getting inside

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2ἐκβοηθοῦντας διηγωνίζοντο. ὁ δὲ Δίων ἀνελπίστως παρεσπονδημένος μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων στρατιωτῶν ἀπήντα τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ συνάψας μάχην πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον. ἐν σταδίῳ γὰρ ὥσπερ,1 τῷ ὀλίγῳ δὴ2 διαστήματι τῆς διατειχίσεως,3 μάχης οὔσης συνέδραμε πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν εἰς στενὸν τόπον. 3διὸ καὶ παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις οἱ ταῖς ἀνδραγαθίαις πρωτεύοντες συγκατέβησαν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον· καὶ τῶν μὲν τοῦ Διονυσίου μισθοφόρων διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν, τῶν δὲ Συρακοσίων διὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς ἐλευθερίας εἰς ὑπερβάλλουσαν φιλοτιμίαν ἐκτραπέντων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἰσόρροπος ἦν ἡ μάχη, τῆς παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις ἀρετῆς οὔσης ἰσομάχου, καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἔπιπτον, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ κατετιτρώσκοντο πάσας τὰς πληγὰς ἐναντίας λαμβάνοντες· οἱ μὲν γὰρ πρωτοστάται τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων θάνατον ὑπέμενον εὐψύχως, οἱ δ᾿ ἐπιτεταγμένοι τοὺς πίπτοντας ὑπερασπίζοντες καὶ τοῖς δεινοῖς ἐγκαρτεροῦντες τοὺς ἐσχάτους 4κινδύνους ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης ἀνεδέχοντο. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Δίων μὲν ἀριστεῦσαι βουλόμενος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ καὶ σπεύδων δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ περιποιήσασθαι τὴν νίκην εἰς μέσους ἐβιάσατο τοὺς πολεμίους· ἡρωικῶς δ᾿ ἀγωνιζόμενος πολλοὺς μὲν ἐφόνευσε, τὴν δ᾿ ὅλην σύνταξιν τῶν μισθοφόρων διακόψας ἐναπελήφθη4 μόνος τῷ πλήθει· πολλῶν δ᾿ ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ῥιφέντων βελῶν εἴς τε τὴν ἀσπίδα καὶ τὸ κράνος ταῦτα μὲν ἐξέφυγε διὰ τὴν τῶν ὅπλων κατασκευήν, εἰς δὲ τὸν δεξιὸν βραχίονα τρωθεὶς συγκατηνέχθη τῷ βάρει τῆς πληγῆς καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις παρ᾿ ὀλίγον ὑποχείριος 5ἐγένετο. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι δείσαντες ὑπὲρ

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the wall, engaged in a struggle with those who were 357/6 b.c. coming out to the rescue. Dion, being unexpectedly tricked by the violation of the truce, came to meet the enemy with his best soldiers and joining battle wrought extensive slaughter. For when fighting took place, as if in a stadium, within the narrow interval afforded by the crosswall, a multitude of soldiers collected in a contracted space. For this reason on both sides men outstanding in gallantry met in the action and since Dionysius’ mercenaries, by the size of the promised rewards, and the Syracusans, by the hope of freedom, were wrought up to a high pitch of rivalry, at first the battle stood equally poised, as the valour of both sides in the fight was equal. Many fell, and not a few were wounded, receiving all the blows in front; for on the one hand those in the front rank courageously met death defending the rest, and those arrayed behind them covering them with their shields as they fell and holding firm in the desperate peril took the most dangerous risks to win the victory. After this engagement Dion, wishing to display his valour in the battle and eager to win the victory by his own deeds, forced his way into the midst of the enemy and there in an heroic encounter slew many and having disrupted the whole battle line of the mercenaries was suddenly cut off and isolated in the crowd. Many missiles hurled at him fell upon his shield and helmet, but he escaped these owing to the protection of his armour, but receiving a wound on his right arm he was borne down by the weight of the blow and barely escaped capture by the enemy. The Syracusans, fearing for their general’s safety, dashed

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τῆς κατὰ τὸν στρατηγὸν σωτηρίας ἐπέρραξαν τοῖς μισθοφόροις βαρείᾳ τῇ συντάξει καὶ τὸν μὲν Δίωνα καταπονούμενον ἐξήρπασαν ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους βιασάμενοι φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον τόπον τοῦ τείχους προτερούντων τῶν Συρακοσίων οἱ τοῦ τυράννου μισθοφόροι συνεδιώχθησαν ἐντὸς πυλῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ Νήσῳ. ἐπιφανεῖ δὲ μάχῃ νικήσαντες οἱ Συρακόσιοι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν βεβαίως κτησάμενοι τρόπαιον ἔστησαν κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου.

13. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Διονύσιος μὲν ἐπταικὼς καὶ τὴν δυναστείαν ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἀκροπόλεσιν ἀπέλιπε φρουρὰς ἀξιολόγους, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς τετελευτηκότας, ὀκτακοσίους ὄντας, λαβὼν τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἔθαψε λαμπρῶς, χρυσοῖς μὲν στεφάνοις ἐστεφανωμένους, πορφυρίσι δὲ καλαῖς περιβεβλημένους· ἤλπιζε γὰρ διὰ τῆς τούτων σπουδῆς προτρέψεσθαι τοὺς ἄλλους εἰς τὸ προθύμως κινδυνεύειν ὑπὲρ τῆς τυραννίδος· τοὺς δ᾿ ἀνδραγαθήσαντας μεγάλαις δωρεαῖς ἐτίμησε. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Συρακοσίους διεπέμπετο περὶ διαλύσεων. 2ὁ δὲ Δίων περὶ μὲν τῶν πρεσβειῶν αἰεί τινας εὐλόγους προφάσεις ποριζόμενος ἀνεβάλλετο, ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ τείχους κατασκευάσας μεθ᾿ ἡσυχίας τότε τὰς πρεσβείας μετεπέμπετο, κατεστρατηγηκὼς τοὺς πολεμίους ταῖς τῆς εἰρήνης ἐλπίσιν. γενομένων δὲ λόγων περὶ συλλύσεων ὁ Δίων ἀπεκρίθη τοῖς πρέσβεσιν μίαν εἶναι σύλλυσιν, ἐὰν ἀποθέμενος τὴν τυραννίδα βούληται τυχεῖν τιμῶν τινων. ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος ὑπερηφάνου τῆς

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into the mercenaries in heavy formation and rescued 357/6 b.c. the distressed Dion from his perils, then overpowering the enemy, forced them to flee. Since likewise in the other part of the wall the Syracusans had the superiority, the tyrant’s mercenaries were chased in a body inside the gates of the Island. The Syracusans, who had now won victory in a significant battle and had securely recovered their freedom, set up a trophy to signalize the tyrant’s defeat.1

13. After this, Dionysius, who had failed and by now despaired of his tyranny, left a considerable garrison in his citadels, while he himself, having secured permission to take up his dead, eight hundred in number, gave their bodies a magnificent burial, causing them to be crowned with golden crowns and wrapped in fine purple; for he hoped by his solicitude for them to incite the survivors to fight spiritedly in defence of the tyranny; and those who had behaved gallantly he honoured with rich gifts. And he kept sending messengers to the Syracusans to confer about terms of a settlement. But Dion in the matter of his embassies, by constantly offering plausible excuses, kept making postponements, and, when he had meanwhile constructed the remainder of the wall at his leisure, he then called for the embassies, having out-manœuvred2 the enemy by encouraging their hopes of peace. When discussion arose concerning the terms of settlement, Dion replied to the ambassadors that only one settlement was possible, namely that Dionysius should resign his position as tyrant and then deign to accept certain privileges. But Dionysius,

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ἀποκρίσεως γενομένης συναγαγὼν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐβουλεύετο πῶς χρὴ τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἀμύνασθαι. 3πάντων δ᾿ εὐπορῶν πλὴν σίτου καὶ θαλαττοκρατῶν ἐλῄστευε τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκ τῶν προνομῶν κακῶς ποριζόμενος ἐξαπέστειλε ναῦς φορτίδας καὶ χρήματα πρὸς τὸν τοῦ σίτου καταγορασμόν. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι ναῦς μακρὰς πολλὰς ἔχοντες καὶ κατὰ τοὺς εὐκαίρους τόπους ἐπιφαινόμενοι πολλὴν τῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμπόρων κομιζομένης ἀγορᾶς παρῃροῦντο.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὰς Συρακούσσας ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

14. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φερῶν τύραννος ὑπὸ τῆς ἰδίας γυναικὸς Θήβης καὶ τῶν ταύτης ἀδελφῶν Λυκόφρονος καὶ Τισιφόνου ἐδολοφονήθη. οὗτοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὡς τυραννοκτόνοι μεγάλης ἐτύγχανον ἀποδοχῆς, ὕστερον δὲ μετανοήσαντες καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους χρήμασι πείσαντες ἀνέδειξαν ἑαυτοὺς τυράννους καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἀντιπραττομένων ἀνεῖλον, κατασκευασάμενοι δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον βίᾳ κατεῖχον τὴν 2ἀρχήν. οἱ δ᾿ Ἀλευάδαι καλούμενοι παρὰ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς, δι᾿ εὐγένειαν δὲ ἀξίωμα ἔχοντες περιβόητον ἀντεπράττοντο τοῖς τυράννοις. οὐκ ὄντες δὲ καθ᾿ ἑαυτοὺς ἀξιόμαχοι προσελάβοντο Φίλιππον σύμμαχον τὸν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα. οὗτος δὲ παρελθὼν1 εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν κατεπολέμησε τοὺς τυράννους καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀνακτησάμενος τὴν ἐλευθερίαν μεγάλην εὔνοιαν εἰς τοὺς Θετταλοὺς

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since Dion’s reply had been arrogant, assembled his 357/6 b.c. commanders and began to deliberate on the best means of defending himself against the Syracusans. Having plenty of everything but grain and being in control of the sea, he began to pillage the countryside and, finding it difficult to provide subsistence from his foraging parties, he dispatched merchantmen and money to purchase grain. But the Syracusans, who had many ships of war and kept putting in an appearance at opportune places, made off with many of the supplies which were being brought in by the traders. This was the situation of affairs in Syracuse.

14. In Greece Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, was assassinated by his own wife Thebê and her brothers Lycophron and Tisiphonus.1 The brothers at first received great acclaim as tyrannicides, but later, having changed their purpose and bribed the mercenaries, they disclosed themselves as tyrants, slew many of their opponents, and, having contrived to make their forces imposing, retained the government by force. Now the faction among the Thessalians called Aleuadae, who enjoyed a far-flung reputation by reason of their noble birth, began to oppose the tyrants. But not being of sufficient strength to fight by themselves they took on Philip, the king of the Macedonians, as ally. And he, entering Thessaly, defeated the tyrants and, when he had vindicated the independence of their cities, showed himself very friendly to the Thessalians.

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ἐνεδείξατο· διόπερ ἐν ταῖς μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεσιν ἀεὶ συναγωνιστὰς ἔσχεν οὐ μόνον αὐτός, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ υἱὸς Ἀλέξανδρος.

3Τῶν δὲ συγγραφέων Δημόφιλος μὲν ὁ Ἐφόρου τοῦ ἱστοριογράφου υἱὸς τὸν παραλειφθέντα πόλεμον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός, ὀνομασθέντα δὲ ἱερόν, συντεταγμένος ἐντεῦθεν ἦρκται ἀπὸ τῆς καταλήψεως τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱεροῦ καὶ τῆς συλήσεως τοῦ μαντείου ὑπὸ Φιλομήλου τοῦ Φωκέως· ἐγένετο δ᾿ ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος ἔτη ἕνδεκα ἕως τῆς φθορᾶς τῶν διανειμαμένων 4τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα. Καλλισθένης δὲ τὴν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πραγμάτων ἱστορίαν γέγραφεν ἐν βύβλοις δέκα καὶ κατέστροφεν εἰς τὴν κατάληψιν τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ παρανομίαν Φιλομήλου τοῦ Φωκέως· 5Δίυλλος δ᾿ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἦρκται τῆς ἱστορίας ἀπὸ τῆς ἱεροσυλήσεως καὶ γέγραφε βύβλους εἴκοσι καὶ ἕξ,1 συμπεριλαβὼν πάσας τὰς ἐν τοῖς χρόνοις τούτοις γενομένας πράξεις περί τε τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Σικελίαν.

15. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἐλπίνου Ῥωμαῖοι

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Wherefore in the course of subsequent events not 357/6 b.c.. merely Philip himself but his son Alexander after him had the Thessalians always as confederates.

Among historians Demophilus,1 the son of the chronicler Ephorus, who treated in his work the history of what is known as the Sacred War, which had been passed over by his father, began his account with the capture of the shrine at Delphi and the pillaging of the oracle by Philomelus the Phocian. This war lasted eleven years2 until the annihilation of those who had divided amongst themselves the sacred property. And Callisthenes3 wrote the history of the events in the Hellenic world in ten books and closed with the capture of the shrine and the impious act of Philomelus the Phocian. Diyllus4 the Athenian began his history with the pillaging of the shrine and wrote twenty-six books, in which he included all the events which occurred in this period both in Greece and in Sicily.

15. When Elpines was archon at Athens the Romans 356/5 b.c.

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κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Πόπλιον Λαινάτην καὶ Γναῖον Μαιμίλιον Ἰμπεριῶσον, ὀλυμπιὰς δ᾿ ἤχθη ἕκτη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Πῶρος Μαλιεύς. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἠθροίσθη περὶ τὴν Λευκανίαν πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων πανταχόθεν μιγάδων, πλείστων δὲ δούλων δραπετῶν. οὗτοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λῃστρικὸν ἐνεστήσαντο βίον καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς ἀγραυλίαις καὶ καταδρομαῖς συνήθειαν ἔσχον τριβὴν καὶ μελέτην τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων· διὸ καὶ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἀγῶσι προτεροῦντες τῶν ἐγχωρίων εἰς 2αὔξησιν ἀξιολογωτέραν κατέστησαν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν Τέριναν1 πόλιν ἐκπολιορκήσαντες διήρπασαν, ἔπειτα Ἱππώνιον2 καὶ Θουρίους καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας χειρωσάμενοι κοινὴν πολιτείαν συνέθεντο καὶ προσηγορεύθησαν Βρέττιοι διὰ τὸ πλείστους εἶναι δούλους· κατὰ γὰρ τὴν τῶν ἐγχωρίων διάλεκτον οἱ δραπέται βρέττιοι προσηγορεύοντο.

Τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν Βρεττίων πλῆθος οὕτω συνέστη κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

16. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν Φίλιστος μὲν ὁ Διονυσίου στρατηγὸς πλεύσας εἰς Ῥήγιον διεκόμισε τοὺς ἱππεῖς εἰς Συρακούσσας, ὄντας πλείους τῶν πεντακοσίων. προσθεὶς δὲ τούτοις ἱππεῖς τε ἄλλους πλείονας καὶ πεζοὺς δισχιλίους ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ

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elected as consuls Marcus Poplius Laenas and Gnaeus 356/5 b.c. Maemilius Imperiosus,1 and the one hundred sixth celebration was held of the Olympian games, at which Porus2 the Malian won the stadion race. During their term of office, in Italy there gathered in Lucania a multitude of men from every region, a mixture of every sort, but for the most part runaway slaves. These at first led a marauding life and as they habituated themselves to out-of-door life and making raids they gained practice and training in warfare; consequently, since they regularly had the upper hand with the inhabitants in their battles, they reached a state of considerably increased importance. First they took by siege the city Terina3 and plundered it completely; then, having taken Hipponium, Thurii, and many other cities,4 they formed a common government and were called Bruttians from the fact that most of them were slaves, for in the local dialect runaway slaves were called “bruttians.”5

Such, then, was the origin6 of the people of the Bruttians in Italy.

16. In Sicily Philistus, Dionysius’ general, sailed to Rhegium and transported to Syracuse the cavalry, more than five hundred in number. When he had added to these other cavalry more numerous and two thousand infantry, he made an expedition against

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Λεοντίνους ἀφεστηκότας ἀπὸ Διονυσίου, νυκτὸς δὲ παρεισπεσὼν ἐντὸς τοῦ τείχους κατελάβετο μέρος τῆς πόλεως. γενομένης δὲ μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων βοηθησάντων ἡττηθεὶς ἐξέπεσεν ἐκ 2τῶν Λεοντίνων. Ἡρακλείδης δ᾿ ὁ καταλελειμμένος ὑπὸ Δίωνος ναύαρχος τῶν μακρῶν νεῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ διά τινας χειμῶνας ἐμποδισθεὶς ὑστέρησε τῆς καθόδου τῶν περὶ τὸν Δίωνα καὶ τῆς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐλευθερώσεως· ἧκε δ᾿ ἄγων ναῦς μὲν μακρὰς εἴκοσι, χιλίους δὲ στρατιώτας καὶ πεντακοσίους. ὢν δ᾿ ἀνὴρ ἐπισημότατος καὶ δόξας ἄξιος ὑπάρχειν ᾑρέθη ναύαρχος ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ μετὰ Δίωνος τεταγμένος1 ἐπὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας 3διεπολέμει πρὸς Διονύσιον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Φίλιστος ἀποδειχθεὶς στρατηγὸς καὶ καταρτίσας τριήρεις ἑξήκοντα πρὸς Συρακοσίους ἐναυμάχησεν ἔχοντας ναῦς παραπλησίους τὸν ἀριθμόν. γενομένου δ᾿ ἀγῶνος καρτεροῦ καὶ τοῦ Φιλίστου τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀνδραγαθίας προτεροῦντος, ὕστερον δ᾿ ἀποληφθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων οἱ μὲν Συρακόσιοι πανταχόθεν κυκλώσαντες τὰς ναῦς ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο ζωγρίᾳ λαβεῖν τὸν στρατηγόν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιστος εὐλαβηθεὶς τὴν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας αἰκίαν ἑαυτὸν ἀπέσφαξε, πλείστας μὲν καὶ μεγίστας χρείας παρεσχημένος τοῖς τυράννοις, πιστότατος δὲ τῶν 4φίλων τοῖς δυνάσταις γεγονώς. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι νικήσαντες τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ τὸ μὲν σῶμα τοῦ Φιλίστου διαμερίσαντες καὶ δι᾿ ὅλης τῆς πόλεως ἑλκύσαντες ἄταφον ἐξέρριψαν, Διονύσιος δὲ τὸν μὲν πρακτικώτατον

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Leontini, which had revolted from Dionysius, and 356/5 b.c. having succeeded in entering the walls by night captured a portion of the city. A sharp engagement ensued, and the Syracusans came to the aid of the Leontinians, so that he was defeated and was driven out of Leontini. Heracleides, who had been left behind by Dion as commander of his men-of-war, having been hindered by storms in the Peloponnese,1 was too late for Dion’s return and the liberation of the Syracusans, but he now came with twenty men-of-war and fifteen hundred soldiers. Being a man of very great distinction and considered worthy of the position, he was chosen admiral by the Syracusans, and, having been assigned to the supreme command of the armed forces along with Dion, he participated in the war against Dionysius. After this Philistus, who had been appointed general and had fitted out sixty triremes, fought a naval battle with the Syracusans, who had about the same number. As the fight became sharp Philistus at first was superior because of his own gallantry, but later on, when he was intercepted by the enemy, the Syracusans, encircling the ships from all sides, put forth strenuous efforts to capture the general alive, but Philistus, with apprehensions of torture after his capture, slew himself after having performed a great many very important services to the tyrants and having proved himself the most faithful of their friends to the men in power. The Syracusans, after they had won the naval battle, dismembered the body of Philistus, dragged it through the whole city, and cast it forth unburied; and Dionysius,

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τῶν φίλων ἀποβαλὼν καὶ στρατηγὸν μὲν ἕτερον ἀξιόχρεων οὐκ ἔχων, αὐτὸς δ᾿ οὐ δυνάμενος φέρειν τὸ τοῦ πολέμου βάρος ἐξέπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς ἀρχῆς παραδιδούς, ὕστερον δὲ βουλόμενος ὅλην ἐγχειρίζειν.

17. Τοῦ δὲ Δίωνος ἀποκριθέντος ὅτι τοῖς Συρακοσίοις δίκαιόν ἐστι παραδιδόναι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπί τισιν ἐξαιρέτοις χρήμασι καὶ τιμαῖς, ὁ μὲν Διονύσιος ἕτοιμος ἦν παραδιδόναι τὴν ἄκραν τῷ δήμῳ ὥστε τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ τὰ χρήματα λαβόντα εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν μεταστῆναι, ὁ δὲ Δίων συνεβούλευε τοῖς Συρακοσίοις δέχεσθαι τὰ διδόμενα. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὑπὸ τῶν1 ἀκαίρων δημηγόρων πεισθεὶς ἀντεῖπε, νομίζων κατὰ κράτος ἐκπολιορκήσειν 2τὸν τύραννον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Διονύσιος τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν μισθοφόρων ἀπέλιπεν φυλάξοντας τὴν ἄκραν, αὐτὸς δ᾿ ἐνθέμενος τὰ χρήματα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βασιλικὴν κατασκευὴν ἔλαθεν ἐκπλεύσας 3καὶ κατῆρεν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίασαν, τῶν μὲν οἰομένων δεῖν τὴν στρατηγίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν ἐγχειρίζειν Ἡρακλείδῃ διὰ τὸ τοῦτον δοκεῖν μηδέποτ᾿ ἂν ἐπιθέσθαι τυραννίδι, τῶν δὲ ἀποφαινομένων τὸν Δίωνα δεῖν ἔχειν τὴν τῶν ἁπάντων ἡγεμονίαν. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις πολλῶν ὀφειλομένων μισθῶν τοῖς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ξένοις τοῖς ἠλευθερωκόσι τὰς Συρακούσσας καὶ χρημάτων σπανιζούσης τῆς πόλεως, οἱ μὲν μισθοφόροι τῶν χρημάτων ἀποστερούμενοι συνεστράφησαν, ὄντες πλείους τῶν τρισχιλίων πάντες δ᾿ ἐπίλεκτοι ταῖς ἀρεταῖς καὶ διὰ τὴν ἄθλησιν τῶν πολεμικῶν ἔργων διαπεπονημένοι πολὺ

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who had lost the most efficient of his friends 356/5 b.c. and had no other general of repute, being himself unable to sustain the burden of the war, sent out ambassadors to Dion, first offering him the half of his power, but later consenting to place the whole of it in his hands.

17. But when Dion replied that it was only fair to surrender to the Syracusans the acropolis with the reservation of certain property and privileges, Dionysius was ready to surrender the citadel to the people on the condition that he took his mercenaries and his property and went abroad to Italy, and Dion counselled the Syracusans to accept his offer. But the people, persuaded by their inopportune demagogues, refused, believing that they could forcibly make the tyrant surrender by siege. Thereafter Dionysius left the best of his mercenaries to guard the citadel, while he himself, putting his possessions and all his royal paraphernalia on board ship, sailed off secretly and put ashore in Italy. But the Syracusans were divided into two factions, some being of the opinion that they should entrust the generalship and supreme power in the state to Heracleides because it was believed that he would never aim at tyrannical power, and the others declaring that Dion should have the supremacy over the entire government. Furthermore, large Sums for wages were due to the Peloponnesian mercenaries who had liberated Syracuse and the city was short of funds, so the mercenaries, deprived of their money, banded together in excess of three thousand, and since all had been selected for meritorious conduct and because of their training in actual warfare were hardened veterans, they were far

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4τοὺς Συρακοσίους1 ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ὑπερεβάλλοντο. ὁ δὲ Δίων ἀξιούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων συναποστῆναι καὶ παρὰ τῶν Συρακοσίων ὡς κοινῶν ἐχθρῶν λαβεῖν τιμωρίαν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντεῖπεν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συναναγκαζόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς περιστάσεως προσεδέξατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῶν ξένων καὶ μετ᾿ ἐκείνων ταχθεὶς ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Λεοντίνους. 5οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι συστραφέντες ἐδίωκον τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν συνάψαντες μάχην καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντες ἀπεχώρησαν. ὁ δὲ Δίων λαμπρᾷ μάχῃ νικήσας οὐδὲν ἐμνησικάκησε τοῖς Συρακοσίοις· ἀποστειλάντων γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν κήρυκα περὶ τῆς τῶν νεκρῶν ἀναιρέσεως τήν τε τῶν νεκρῶν ἀναίρεσιν ἔδωκε καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας πολλοὺς ὄντας ἀπέλυσεν ἄνευ λύτρων. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ φυγῇ μέλλοντες φονεύεσθαι διηγόρευον ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι τῶν τὰ Δίωνος φρονούντων καὶ πάντες διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν ἐξέφυγον τὸν θάνατον.

18. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Διονύσιος μὲν στρατηγὸν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσσας Νύψιον τὸν Νεαπολίτην, ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ συνέσει στρατηγικῇ διαφέροντα· συνεξέπεμψε δ᾿ αὐτῷ καὶ φορτηγὰ πλοῖα σίτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀγορᾶς γέμοντα. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἐκ Λοκρῶν ἀναχθεὶς ἐτέλει τὸν εἰς Συρακούσσας 2πλοῦν. οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μισθοφόροι τοῦ τυράννου, κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιλιπόντος τοῦ σίτου, καὶ τῇ σπάνει τῶν ἀναγκαίων δεινῶς πιεζούμενοι, μέχρι μέν τινος ὑπέμενον εὐψύχως τὴν ἔνδειαν, τῆς δὲ φύσεως ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἡττωμένης

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more than a match for the Syracusans in valour. As 356/5 b.c. for Dion, when he was asked by the mercenaries to join their revolt and to take vengeance upon the Syracusans as a common enemy, he at first refused, but later, under compulsion of the critical circumstances, he accepted the command of the mercenaries, and with them marched off to Leontini. The Syracusans in a body set out to pursue the mercenaries, and, having engaged them on the way and lost many men,1 retreated. Dion, who had defeated them in a brilliant battle, harboured no grudge toward the Syracusans, for when they sent him a herald to arrange for the removal of the dead he granted them permission and set free without ransom the captives, who were numerous. For many who were on the point of being slain in their flight declared that they were on Dion’s side and all for this reason escaped death.2

18. After this Dionysius dispatched to Syracuse as general Nypsius3 the Neapolitan, a man who excelled in valour and in sagacity of generalship; and with him he sent merchantmen laden with grain and other supplies. Nypsius then set sail from Locri and completed the voyage to Syracuse. The tyrant’s mercenaries, stationed on the acropolis, as their supply of grain failed at this time, were in dire distress for want of supplies, but for a time endured in good spirits their lack of food; then, when human nature succumbed to

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καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπογινωσκομένης συνδραμόντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν νυκτὸς ἐψηφίσαντο παραδοῦναι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς Συρακοσίοις 3ἅμ᾿ ἡμέρᾳ. ἤδη δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ληγούσης οἱ μὲν μισθοφόροι κήρυκας ἐξέπεμπον πρὸς τοὺς Συρακοσίους περὶ τῆς διαλύσεως, ὁ δὲ Νύψιος διαφαινούσης ἤδη τῆς ἡμέρας κατέπλευσε μετὰ τοῦ στόλου καὶ καθωρμίσθη περὶ τὴν Ἀρέθουσαν. διόπερ τῆς ἐνδείας παραχρῆμα μεταβαλούσης εἰς πολλὴν δαψίλειαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὁ μὲν στρατηγὸς Νύψιος ἐκβιβάσας τοὺς στρατιώτας, κοινὴν ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν καὶ διαλεχθεὶς οἰκείως τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς, προθύμους κατεσκεύασε πρὸς τοὺς μέλλοντας κινδύνους. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἀκρόπολις ἤδη παραδιδομένη τοῖς Συρακοσίοις τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον ἀνελπίστως 4διεφυλάχθη, οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι πληρώσαντες ἁπάσας τὰς τριήρεις ἐπέπλευσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἔτι περὶ τὴν ἐξαίρεσιν τῆς ἀγορᾶς διατρίβουσιν. ἀπροσδοκήτου δὲ τῆς ἐφόδου γενομένης καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μισθοφόρων τεθορυβημένως ἀντιταχθέντων ταῖς πολεμίαις1 τριήρεσιν, ἐγένετο ναυμαχία καθ᾿ ἣν οἱ Συρακόσιοι προετέρησαν, καὶ τινὰς μὲν τῶν νεῶν κατέδυσαν, τινῶν δ᾿ ἐγκρατεῖς κατέστησαν, τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς πρὸς τὴν γῆν κατεδίωξαν. 5μετεωρισθέντες δ᾿ ἐπὶ τῷ προτερήματι τοῖς μὲν θεοῖς μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἔθυσαν ἐπινίκια, αὐτοὶ δ᾿ εἰς εὐωχίας καὶ πότους ἐκτραπέντες, καταφρονοῦντες τῶν ἡττημένων ῥᾳθύμως εἶχον τὰ περὶ τὰς φυλακάς.

19. Νύψιος δ᾿ ὁ τῶν μισθοφόρων στρατηγὸς ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ ἀναμαχέσασθαι βουλόμενος τὴν ἧτταν νυκτὸς ἐκτεταγμένῃ τῇ δυνάμει παραδόξως προσέπεσε

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necessity and they despaired of saving their lives, they 356/5 b.c. came together in an assembly at night and voted to surrender the citadel and themselves to the Syracusans at dawn. Night was just drawing to a close as the mercenaries sent heralds to the Syracusans to make terms, but, as dawn was just breaking, Nypsius sailed in with his fleet and anchored off Arethusa.1 Consequently, now that the scarcity had suddenly changed into a great abundance of supplies, the general Nypsius, after disembarking his soldiers, held a joint assembly, presented arguments suitable to the occasion and won the support of the men to meet the perils in store. Now the acropolis which was already on the point of being given over to the Syracusans was unexpectedly preserved in the aforesaid manner, but the Syracusans, manning all their triremes, sailed against the enemy while they were still occupied in unloading the supplies. Since the attack was unexpected and the mercenaries in the citadel could only be drawn up in confused fashion against the enemy triremes, a naval battle took place in which the Syracusans had the superiority, in fact they sank some of the ships, gained possession of others, and pursued the remnant to the shore. Elated by their success they offered magnificent sacrifice to the gods in honour of the victory, and, turning to banqueting and drink, with contempt for the men they had defeated, were negligent about their guards.

19. Nypsius, the commander of the mercenaries, wishing to renew the battle and retrieve the defeat, with his army which had been marshalled during the

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τῷ1 κατεσκευασμένῳ τείχει. εὑρὼν δὲ τοὺς φύλακας διὰ τὴν καταφρόνησιν καὶ μέθην εἰς ὕπνον τετραμμένους προσέθηκε τὰς παρεσκευασμένας κλίμακας 2πρὸς τὴν χρείαν. διὰ δὲ τούτων οἱ κράτιστοι τῶν μισθοφόρων ἀνέβησαν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τοὺς φύλακας φονεύσαντες ἀνέῳξαν τὰς πύλας. εἰσπεσόντων δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν οἱ μὲν στρατηγοὶ τῶν Συρακοσίων ἐκ τῆς μέθης ἀνανήφοντες2 ἐπειρῶντο βοηθεῖν, ἐμποδιζόμενοι δὲ τὰς ὁρμὰς3 διὰ τὸν οἶνον οἱ μὲν ἀνῃρέθησαν, οἱ δ᾿ ἔφυγον. κατειλημμένης δὲ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως στρατιωτῶν σχεδὸν ἁπάντων εἰσπεσόντων ἐντὸς τοῦ περιτειχίσματος, τῶν δὲ Συρακοσίων διὰ τὸ παράδοξον καὶ τὴν ἀταξίαν ἐκπεπληγμένων 3πολὺς ἐγίνετο φόνος. τῶν δὲ τοῦ τυράννου στρατιωτῶν πλειόνων ἢ μυρίων ὄντων καὶ συντεταγμένων καλῶς οὐδεὶς τὸ βάρος αὐτῶν ὑπομεῖναι δυνατὸς ἦν, ἅτε τοῦ θορύβου καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς, ἔτι δὲ ἀναρχίας τοὺς ἐλαττουμένους ἐμποδιζούσης. 4κρατηθείσης δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας οἱ νενικηκότες ὥρμησαν· καὶ πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα διεφορεῖτο, οὐκ ὀλίγα δὲ σώματα γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων, ἔτι δ᾿ οἰκετῶν ἐξηνδραποδίζετο. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς στενωποὺς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ὁδοὺς ἀντιταττομένων Συρακοσίων ἐγίνοντο συνεχεῖς συμπλοκαὶ καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἀπέθνησκον οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ τραύμασι περιέπιπτον. τὴν μὲν οὖν νύκτα διετέλεσαν ἀλλήλους ἀναιροῦντες ὡς ἔτυχε διὰ τὸ σκότος καὶ πᾶς τόπος νεκρῶν ἔγεμεν.

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night unexpectedly attacked the wall which had been 356/5 b.c. constructed. And, finding that the guards through contempt and drunkenness had betaken themselves to sleep, he placed against it the ladders that had been constructed in case they were needed. The bravest of the mercenaries climbed on the wall with these, slaughtered the guards, and opened the gates. As the men poured into the city, the generals of the Syracusans, becoming sober after their drunkenness, tried to bring aid, but, their efforts being hampered by the wine, some were slain and some fled. When the city had been captured and almost all the soldiers from the citadel had rushed inside the circuit-walls, since the Syracusans were panic-stricken by the suddenness and confusion of the attack, a great slaughter took place. The soldiers of the tyrant numbered more than ten thousand and their lines were so well marshalled that no one was able to withstand their sheer weight, inasmuch as the din and disorder and, furthermore, the lack of a commander, impeded the Syracusans in their hour of defeat. Once the market-place had come into possession of the enemy, the victors straightway attacked the residences. They carried off much property and took off as slaves many women and children and household servants besides. Where the Syracusans formed to meet them in narrow alleys and other streets, continuous engagements occurred and many were killed and not a few wounded. So they passed the night slaying one another at random in the darkness, and every quarter teemed with dead.

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20. Ἅμα δ᾿ ἡμέρᾳ τὸ μὲν τῆς συμφορᾶς μέγεθος συνεωράθη, οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι, μίαν ἔχοντες σωτηρίαν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Δίωνος βοήθειαν, ἐξαπέστειλαν ἱππεῖς εἰς Λεοντίνους, δεόμενοι τοῦ Δίωνος μὴ περιιδεῖν τὴν πατρίδα δοριάλωτον γινομένην καὶ τῶν μὲν ἡμαρτημένων δοῦναι συγγνώμην αὐτοῖς, τὰς δὲ παρούσας δυστυχίας ἐλεήσαντα διορθώσασθαι 2τὴν τῆς πατρίδος συμφοράν. ὁ δὲ Δίων λαμπρὸς ὢν τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐκ φιλοσοφίας παιδείαν ἐξημερωμένος τοὺς λογισμοὺς οὐκ ἐμνησικάκησε τοῖς πολίταις, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μισθοφόρους πείσας παραχρῆμα ἀνέζευξε καὶ διανύσας ὀξέως τὴν εἰς Συρακούσσας ὁδὸν ἧκε πρὸς τὰ Ἑξάπυλα. 3ἐνταῦθα δὲ διατάξας τοὺς στρατιώτας προσῆγε κατὰ τάχος καὶ κατέλαβεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τέκνα μὲν καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς γεγηρακότας ὑπὲρ τοὺς μυρίους· οὗτοι δὲ πάντες ἀπαντῶντες μετὰ δακρύων ἱκέτευον ἀμῦναι τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀκληρήμασιν. οἱ δ᾿ ἐκ1 τῆς ἀκροπόλεως μισθοφόροι κεκρατηκότες ἤδη τῆς προθέσεως τὰς μὲν περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν οἰκίας διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς λοιπὰς ὁρμήσαντες 4διήρπαζον τὰς ἐν ταύταις κτήσεις. καθ᾿ ὃν δὴ καιρὸν Δίων κατὰ πλείους τόπους εἰσπεσὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὰς ἁρπαγὰς ἀσχολουμένοις ἐπιθέμενος πάντας τοὺς περιτυγχάνοντας ἔκτεινε κομίζοντας ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων παντοδαπὰς κατασκευάς· διὰ δὲ τὸ παράδοξον τῆς παρουσίας καὶ τὴν ἀταξίαν καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν τῶν διαφορούντων τὰς κτήσεις εὐχερῶς ἅπαντες ἐχειροῦντο. τέλος δὲ πλειόνων ἢ τετρακισχιλίων φονευθέντων, τῶν μὲν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις, τῶν δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς

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20. At daybreak the magnitude of the disaster was 356/5 b.c. seen in its entirety, and the Syracusans, whose one hope of survival lay in help from Dion, sent horsemen to Leontini begging Dion not to suffer his native city to be captured by the spear point of the enemy, to forgive them the mistakes they had made, and in pity for their present misfortunes to come and retrieve his country’s disaster. Dion, a man noble in spirit and civilized in his judgements because of his philosophical training, did not bear a grudge against his fellow citizens, but, after winning the mercenaries over, straightway set out and, having quickly traversed the road to Syracuse, arrived at the Hexapyla.1 After drawing up his soldiers at that point he advanced with all speed and encountered, fleeing from the city, children, women, and old men in excess of ten thousand. All of these as they met him besought him with tears to avenge their own misfortunes. The mercenaries from the citadel, having already obtained their objective, after plundering the houses by the market-place set them on fire and now, attacking the remaining residences, were in the act of plundering the possessions in these. At this very moment Dion, rushing into the city in several places and attacking the enemy as they were busily engaged in their looting, slew all whom he met as they were lugging furnishings of various sorts off on their shoulders. And because of the unexpectedness of his appearance and the disorder and confusion, all of those who were making off with their plunder were easily overpowered. And finally, after more than four thousand had been slain, some in the houses, and others in the streets, the rest fled in a

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ὁδοῖς, οἱ λοιποὶ συνέφυγον εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ τὰς πύλας κλείσαντες ἐξέφυγον τὸν κίνδυνον.

5Δίων δὲ κάλλιστον τῶν προγεγενημένων ἔργων ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ διαπραξάμενος τὰς μὲν καιομένας οἰκίας διέσωσε κατασβέσας τὴν φλόγα, τὸ δὲ περιτείχισμα καλῶς κατασκευασάμενος μιᾷ πράξει τήν τε πόλιν ὠχύρωσε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀποτειχίσας εἶρξε τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἐξόδου. καθαρὰν δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν ποιήσας τὴν πόλιν καὶ τρόπαιον στήσας 6ἔθυσε τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας. συναχθείσης δ᾿ ἐκκλησίας ὁ μὲν δῆμος εὐχαριστῶν αὐτῷ στρατηγὸν ἐχειροτόνησεν αὐτοκράτορα τὸν Δίωνα καὶ τιμὰς ἀπένειμεν ἡρωικάς, ὁ δὲ Δίων ἀκολούθως τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐπιεικῶς τοὺς μὲν ἐχθροὺς ἅπαντας ἀπέλυσε τῶν ἐγκλημάτων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος παραμυθησάμενος εἰς κοινὴν ἤγαγεν ὁμόνοιαν. οἱ δὲ Συρακόσιοι πανδήμοις ἐπαίνοις καὶ ἀποδοχαῖς μεγάλαις ἐτίμων τὸν εὐεργέτην ὡς μόνον σωτῆρα γεγονότα τῆς πατρίδος.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

21. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Χίων καὶ Ῥοδίων καὶ Κῴων, ἔτι δὲ Βυζαντίων διαπολεμούντων πρὸς Ἀθηναίου τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον ἀμφότεροι μεγάλας παρασκευὰς ἐποιοῦντο, βουλόμενοι ναυμαχίᾳ κρῖναι τὸν πόλεμον. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ Χάρητα μὲν μετὰ νεῶν ἑξήκοντα προσπεσταλκότες ἦσαν ἐν τοῖς ἄων καιροῖς, τότε δὲ ἄλλας ἑξήκοντα πληρώσαντες καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἐπιστήσαντες τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν πολιτῶν, Ἰφικράτην καὶ Τιμόθεον, ἐξαπέστειλαν

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body to the citadel and closing the gates escaped the 356/5 b.c. danger.

Dion, having accomplished the finest of all the deeds ever performed by him, preserved the burning houses by extinguishing the flames, and, by restoring to good condition the circuit-wall, at one stroke fortified the city and by walling off the foe blocked their egress to the mainland.1 When he had cleansed the city of the dead and had erected a trophy of victory, he offered sacrifices to the gods for the deliverance of the city. An assembly was summoned, and the people, as an expression of their gratitude to him, elected Dion general with absolute power and accorded him honours suited to a hero, and Dion in harmony with his former conduct generously absolved all his personal enemies of the charges outstanding against them and having reassured the populace brought them to a state of general harmony. The Syracusans with universal praises and with elaborate testimonials of approval honoured their benefactor as the one and only saviour of their native land.2

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily.

21. In Greece proper, where the Chians, Rhodians, Coans, and also the Byzantians were continuing the Social War against the Athenians, both sides were making great preparations, for they wished to decide the war by a naval battle. The Athenians had previously3 sent Chares forth with sixty ships, but now, manning sixty more and placing as generals in command the most distinguished of their citizens, Iphicrates and Timotheus, they dispatched this expedition

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κοινῇ μετὰ Χάρητος διαπολεμεῖν τοῖς ἀφεστηκόσι 2τῶν συμμάχων. οἱ δὲ Χῖοι καὶ Ῥόδιοι καὶ Βυζνάτιοι μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἑκατὸν ναῦς πληρώσαντες Ἴμβρον μὲν καὶ Λῆμνον οὔσας1 Ἀθηναίων ἐπόρθησαν, ἐπὶ δὲ Σάμον πολλῇ δυνάμει στρατεύσαντες τὴν μὲν χώραν ἐδῄωσαν τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐπολιόρκουν κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν· πολλὰς δὲ καὶ ἄλλας νήσους οὔσας ὑπ᾿ Ἀθηναίους κακοποιήσαντες χρήματα ἤθροισαν εἰς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου 3χρείας. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ πάντες ἀθροισθέντες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεβάλοντο πολιορκῆσαι τὴν τῶν Βυζαντίων πόλιν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν Χίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων τὴν μὲν πολιορκίαν τῆς Σάμου λυσάντων ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν βοήθειαν τοῖς Βυζαντίοις τρεπομένων συνηθροίσθησαν πάντες οἱ στόλοι περὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. μελλούσης δὲ γίνεσθαι τῆς ναυμαχίας μέγας ἄνεμος ἐπιπεσὼν διεκώλυσεν αὐτῶν 4τὴν προαίρεσιν. τοῦ δὲ Χάρητος παρὰ φύσιν βουλομένου ναυμαχεῖν καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἰφικράτην καὶ Τιμόθεον ἐναντιουμένων διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κλύδωνος ὁ μὲν Χάρης ἐπιμαρτυρόμενος τοὺς στρατιώτας2 διέβαλε τοὺς συνάρχοντας ὡς προδότας καὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἔγραψε περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἐγκαταλελοιπότων ἑκουσίως τὴν ναυμαχίαν, οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι παροξυνθέντες καὶ κρίσιν τῷ Ἰφικράτει καὶ Τιμοθέῳ προθέντες ἐζημίωσαν αὐτοὺς πολλοῖς ταλάντοις καὶ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀπέστησαν.

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along with Chares to continue war upon their allies 356/5 b.c. who had revolted. The Chians, Rhodians, and Byzantians together with their allies manned one hundred ships and then sacked Imbros and Lemnos, Athenian islands, and having descended on Samos with a large contingent laid waste the countryside and besieged the city by land and by sea; and by ravaging many other islands that were subject to Athens they collected money for the needs of the war. All the Athenian generals now met and planned at first to besiege the city of the Byzantians, and when later the Chians and their allies abandoned the siege of Samos and turned to assist the Byzantians, all the fleets became massed in the Hellespont. But just at the time when the naval battle was about to take place a great wind fell upon them and thwarted their plans. When Chares, however, though the elements were against him, wished to fight, but Iphicrates and Timotheus opposed on account of the heavy sea, Chares, calling upon his soldiers to bear him witness, accused his colleagues of treason and wrote to the assembly about them, charging that they had purposely shirked the sea-fight.1 And the Athenians were so incensed that they indicted Iphicrates and Timotheus, fined them many talents, and removed them from the generalship.2

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22. Χάρης δὲ παραλαβὼν παντὸς τοῦ στόλου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ σπεύδων τῆς δαπάνης ἀπαλλάξαι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπεχείρησε πράξει παραβόλῳ. Ἀρταβάζου1 γὰρ ἀποστάντος ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ μέλλοντος ὀλίγοις στρατιώταις πρὸς τοὺς σατράπας διαγωνίζεσθαι μυριάδας ἑπτὰ στρατιωτῶν ἔχοντας, συμμαχήσαντος αὐτῷ Χάρητος πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει καὶ νικήσαντος τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως δύναμιν, ὁ μὲν Ἀρτάβαζος1 ἀποδιδοὺς τῆς εὐεργεσίας χάριτας ἐδωρήσατο πλῆθος χρημάτων, ἐξ ὧν δυνατὸν ἦν 2πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν ὀψωνιάζεσθαι, οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπεδέξαντο τὴν πρᾶξιν τοῦ Χάρητος, ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως πρέσβεις ἀποστείλαντος καὶ κατηγοροῦντος τοῦ Χάρητος τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔσχον γνώμην· διεδόθη γὰρ λόγος ὅτι τοῖς πολεμίοις τῶν Ἀθηναίων βασιλεὺς ἐπηγγείλατο τριακοσίαις ναυσὶ συγκαταπολεμήσειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. ταῦτ᾿ οὖν ὁ δῆμος εὐλαβηθεὶς ἔκρινε καταλύσασθαι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας πόλεμον· εὑρὼν δὲ κἀκείνους ἐπιθυμοῦντας τῆς εἰρήνης ῥᾳδίως πρὸς αὐτοὺς διελύσατο.

Ὁ μὲν οὖν συμμαχικὸς ὀνομασθεὶς πόλεμος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος, διαμείνας ἔτη τέτταρα.2

3Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Μακεδονίαν τρεῖς βασιλεῖς συνέστησαν ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ὅ τε τῶν Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Παιόνων καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν. οὗτοι γὰρ ὄντες ὅμοροι τοῖς Μακεδόσι καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν ὑφορώμενοι τοῦ

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22. Chares, now that he had succeeded to the command 356/5 b.c. of the whole fleet and was eager to relieve the Athenians of its expense, undertook a hazardous operation. Now Artabazus had revolted from the Persian King and with only a few soldiers was on the point of joining combat with the satraps who had more than seventy thousand. Chares with all his forces took part with Artabazus in a battle and defeated the King’s army. And Artabazus, out of gratitude for his kindness, made him a present of a large sum of money, with which he was able to furnish his entire army with supplies.1 The Athenians at first approved Chares’ action, but later, when the King sent ambassadors and denounced Chares, they changed their minds; for word had been spread abroad that the King had promised Athens’ enemies that he would join them in their war against the Athenians with three hundred ships. The assembly, accordingly, taking a cautious attitude, decided to bring to a close the war against their revolted allies; and finding that they too desired peace they easily came to terms with them.2

So the Social War, as it was called, came to such a close after lasting four years.

In Macedon three kings combined against Philip,—the kings of the Thracians, Paeonians, and Illyrians. For these peoples, inasmuch as they bordered upon Macedonia, eyed with suspicion the aggrandizement

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Φιλίππου καθ᾿ ἑαυτοὺς μὲν οὐκ ἦσαν ἀξιόμαχοι προηττημένοι, κοινῇ δὲ πολεμοῦντες ὑπέλαβον ῥᾳδίως αὐτοῦ περιέσεσθαι. διόπερ ἀθροιζόντων τὰς δυνάμεις ἐπιφανεὶς ἀσυντάκτοις καὶ καταπληξάμενος ἠνάγκασε προσθέσθαι τοῖς Μακεδόσιν.

23. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Καλλιστράτου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον1 Φάβιον καὶ Γάιον Πλώτιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ὁ κληθεὶς ἱερὸς πόλεμος συνέστη καὶ διέμεινεν ἔτη ἐννέα. Φιλόμηλος γὰρ ὁ Φωκεύς, ἀνὴρ θράσει καὶ παρανομίᾳ διαφέρων, κατελάβετο μὲν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱερὸν ἐξέκαυσε δὲ τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον διὰ τοιαύτας τινὰς 2αἰτίας. Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς διαπολεμησάντων τὸν Λευκτρικὸν πόλεμον καὶ καταπολεμηθέντων οἱ μὲν Θηβαῖοι διὰ τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς Καδμείας δίκας μεγάλας ἐπαγαγόντες τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐν Ἀμφικτύοσι κατεδίκασαν αὐτοὺς πολλοῖς 3χρήμασιν, οἱ δὲ Φωκεῖς ἐπεργασάμενοι πολλὴν τῆς ἱερᾶς χώρας τῆς ὀνομαζομένης Κιρραίας δίκας ὑπέσχον ἐν Ἀμφικτύοσι καὶ πολλοῖς ταλάντοις κατεκρίθησαν. οὐκ ἐκτινόντων δ᾿ αὐτῶν τὰ ὀφλήματα οἱ μὲν ἱερομνήμονες ἐν Ἀμφικτύοσι κατηγόρουν τῶν Φωκέων καὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἠξίουν ἐὰν μὴ τὰ

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of Philip; singly, however, they were not capable of 356/5 b.c. sustaining a combat, each having suffered defeat in the past, but they supposed that, if they should join their forces in a war, they would easily have the better of Philip. So it was that, while they were still gathering their armies, Philip appeared before their dispositions were made, struck terror into them, and compelled them to join forces with the Macedonians.1

23. When Callistratus was archon at Athens, the 355/4 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Gaius Plautius. During their term of office the Sacred War, as it was called, began and lasted nine years.2 For Philomelus the Phocian, a man of unusual audacity and lawlessness, seized the shrine in Delphi and kindled the Sacred War for reasons somewhat as follows. When the Lacedaemonians had fought the Leuctrian War with the Boeotians and been defeated, the Thebans brought a serious charge against the Lacedaemonians in the Amphictyonic Council3 because of their seizure of the Cadmeia and obtained a judgement against them for a large indemnity; and the Phocians for having cultivated a large portion of the consecrated territory named Cirrhaean4 were arraigned in the Council and were fined a large number of talents. When they did not discharge the assessments, the hieromnemones5 of the Amphictyons brought charges against the Phocians and demanded

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χρήματα τῷ θεῷ ἀποδῶσιν οἱ Φωκεῖς καθιερῶσαι τὴν χώραν τῶν ἀποστερούντων τὸν θεόν· ὁμοίως δ᾿ ἔφασαν δεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς καταδικασθέντας ἐκτίνειν τὰ ὀφλήματα, ἐν οἷς ὑπῆρχον καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ὑπακούωσι, κοινῇ ὑπὸ 4τῶν Ἑλλήνων μισοπονηρίας ἀξιοῦσθαι. τῶν δ᾿ Ἑλλήνων συνεπικυρούντων τὰ δόγματα τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων καὶ τῆς τῶν Φωκέων χώρας μελλούσης καθιεροῦσθαι ὁ Φιλόμηλος, μέγιστον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἀξίωμα, διελέχθη τοῖς ὁμοεθνέσι, διδάσκων ὡς ἐκτῖσαι μὲν οὐ δύνανται τὰ χρήματα διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς καταδίκης, περιορᾶν δὲ καθιερουμένην τὴν χώραν οὐ μόνον ἄνανδρον ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κίνδυνον ἐπιφέρειν τῇ τῶν ἁπάντων τοῦ βίου 5ἀνατροπῇ.1 ἐπειρᾶτο δὲ καὶ τὰς κρίσεις τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἀδίκους δεικνύναι κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν· μικρᾶς γὰρ παντελῶς χώρας κατεργασθείσης μεγίστας ζημίας τεθεῖσθαι. συνεβούλευεν οὖν ταύτας ἀκύρους ποιῆσαι καὶ μεγάλας ἀφορμὰς ἔχειν ἀπεφαίνετο τοὺς Φωκεῖς κατὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων· τὸ γὰρ παλαιὸν τοῦ μαντείου τὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ προστασίαν ἐσχηκέναι τούτους. καὶ μάρτυρα τὸν ἀρχαιότατον καὶ μέγιστον τῶν ποιητῶν Ὅμηρον παρείχετο λέγοντα

αὐτὰρ Φωκείων Σχεδίος καὶ Ἐπίστροφος ἦρχον, οἳ Κυπάρισσον ἔχον Πυθῶνά τε πετρήεσσαν.

6διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν ἀμφισβητεῖν περὶ τῆς τοῦ μαντείου

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of the Council that if the Phocians did not pay the 355/4 b.c. money to the god, they should lay under a curse the land of those who were cheating the god. Likewise they declared that the others against whom judgements had been passed should discharge their fines, the Lacedaemonians being in this category, and if they did not obey, they should incur the common hatred of the Greeks for their knavery. When the Greeks all ratified the decisions of the Amphictyons and the territory of the Phocians was about to be placed under the curse, Philomelus, who had the highest reputation among the Phocians, harangued his fellow countrymen, explaining that they were unable to pay the money on account of the magnitude of the fine, and that to allow the territory to be cursed was not only cowardly but involved them in danger since it was the destruction of the means by which they all lived. He endeavoured also to prove that the judgements of the Amphictyons were unjust in the highest degree, since they had inflicted huge fines for the cultivation of what was a very small parcel of land. Accordingly he advised them to treat the fines as null and void and declared that the Phocians had strong grounds for their case against the Amphictyons: for in ancient times they had held control and guardianship of the oracle. As witness he offered the most ancient and greatest of all poets, Homer who said:

“Now over Phocians Schedius ruled and e’en Epistrophus, They dwelt in Cyparissus1 and in Pytho2 land of rocks.”3

On this account he said they should enter a claim for

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προστασίας ὡς οὔσης πατρίου τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν. ἐπηγγέλλετο δὲ κατορθώσειν τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ἐὰν αὐτὸν αὐτοκράτορα καταστήσωσι στρατηγὸν τῆς ὅλης ἐπιβολῆς καὶ κύριον.1

24. Τῶν δὲ Φωκέων διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῆς καταδίκης φόβον ἑλομένων αὐτὸν αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγὸν ὁ Φιλόμηλος ἐνεργῶς ἐπετέλει τὰς ἐπαγγελίας. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην ἐν ἀπορρήτοις διελέχθη τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Ἀρχιδάμῳ, ὅτι κοινὸς ὁ ἀγών ἐστιν αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ ποιῆσαι τὰς κρίσεις τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἀκύρους· εἶναι γὰρ καὶ κατὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων μεγάλας καὶ ἀδίκους ἀποφάσεις τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων. ἐδήλωσεν οὖν αὐτῷ διότι τοὺς Δελφοὺς καταλαβέσθαι διέγνωκε καὶ τῆς προστασίας ἐὰν ἐγκρατὴς γένηται 2τὰ δόγματα τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἀκυρώσει.2 ὁ δ᾿ Ἀρχίδαμος ἀποδεξάμενος τὸν λόγον φανερῶς μὲν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὐκ ἔφησε βοηθήσειν, λάθρᾳ δὲ πάντα συμπράξειν χορηγῶν καὶ χρήματα καὶ μισθοφόρους. ὁ δὲ Φιλόμηλος παρὰ μὲν τούτου πεντεκαίδεκα τάλαντα λαβών, ἰδίᾳ δὲ προσθεὶς οὐκ ἐλάττω τούτων μισθοφόρους τε ξένους3 ἐμισθώσατο καὶ τῶν Φωκέων ἐπέλεξε χιλίους, οὓς ὠνόμασε 3πελταστάς. ἀθροίσας δὲ στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος καὶ καταλαβόμενος τὸ μαντεῖον τούς τε Θρακίδας καλουμένους τῶν Δελφῶν ἐναντιουμένους ἀνεῖλε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἐδήμευσε· τοὺς δ᾿ ἄλλους ὁρῶν

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the guardianship of the oracle on the ground that this 355/4 b.c. belonged to the Phocians as an inheritance from their fathers. He promised that he would succeed with the enterprise if they would appoint him general with absolute power for the entire programme and give him complete authority.1

24. When the Phocians out of fear of the judgement elected him general with absolute power, Philomelus set about energetically to fulfil his promise. First he went to Sparta, where he conversed in private with Archidamus king of the Lacedaemonians, representing that the king had an equal interest in the effort to render null and void the judgements of the Amphictyons, for there existed serious and unjust pronouncements of that Council to the injury of the Lacedaemonians also. He accordingly disclosed to Archidamus that he had decided to seize Delphi and that if he succeeded in obtaining the guardianship of the shrine he would annul the decrees of the Amphictyons. Although Archidamus approved of the proposal, he said he would not for the present give assistance openly, but that he would co-operate secretly in every respect, providing both money and mercenaries. Philomelus, having received from him fifteen talents and having added at least as much on his own account, hired foreign mercenaries and chose a thousand of the Phocians, whom he called peltasts. Then, after he had gathered a multitude of soldiers and had seized the oracle, he slew the group of Delphians called Thracidae2 who sought to oppose him and confiscated their possessions; but, observing that

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καταπεπληγμένους παρεκάλει θαρρεῖν ὡς οὐδενὸς 4ἐσομένου περὶ αὐτοὺς δεινοῦ. διαβοηθείσης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καταλήψεως Λοκροὶ μὲν οἱ πλησίον οἰκοῦντες παραχρῆμα ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ τὸν Φιλόμηλον. γενομένης δὲ περὶ Δελφοὺς μάχης οἱ μὲν Λοκροὶ λειφθέντες καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντες τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔφυγον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ὁ δὲ Φιλόμηλος ἐπαρθεὶς τῇ νίκῃ τὰς τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἀποφάσεις ἔκ τε τῶν στηλῶν ἐξέκοψε1 καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν καταδικῶν 5γράμματα κατέλυσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ διέδωκε λόγον ὡς οὔτε συλᾶν τὸ μαντεῖον διέγνωκεν οὔτ᾿ ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν παράνομον πρᾶξιν συντελεῖν βεβούλευται, τῆς δὲ προγονικῆς προστασίας ἀμφισβητῶν καὶ τὰς τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἀδίκους ἀποφάσεις ἀκυρῶσαι βουλόμενος βοηθεῖν2 τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις τῶν Φωκέων.

25. Οἰ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ συνελθόντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἐψηφίσαντο βοηθεῖν τῷ μαντείῳ καὶ παραχρῆμα στρατιώτας ἐξέπεμψαν. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ὁ Φιλόμηλος τεῖχός τε περιεβάλετο τῷ ἱερῷ καὶ μισθοφόρους ἤθροιζε πολλούς, ἀναβιβάσας τοὺς μισθοὺς καὶ ποιήσας ἡμιολίους, καὶ τῶν Φωκέων ἐπιλέγων τοὺς ἀρίστους κατέγραφε καὶ ταχὺ δύναμιν ἀξιόλογον ἤθροισεν· οὐκ ἐλάττους γὰρ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων στρατιωτῶν ἔχων προεκάθητο τῶν Δελφῶν, φοβερὸς ὢν ἤδη τοῖς πολεμεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν 2βουλομένοις. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν τῶν Λοκρῶν χώραν καὶ πολλὴν τῆς πολεμίας γῆς

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the others were terror-stricken, he exhorted them to 355/4 b.c. be of good cheer since no danger would befall them. When news of the seizure of the shrine was noised abroad, the Locrians, who lived near by,1 straightway took the field against Philomelus. A battle took place near Delphi and the Locrians, having been defeated with the loss of many of their men, fled to their own territory, and Philomelus, being elated by his victory, hacked from the slabs the pronouncements of the Amphictyons, deleted the letters recording their judgements, and personally caused the report to be circulated that he had resolved not to plunder the oracle nor had he purposed to commit any other lawless deed, but that in support of the ancestral claim to the guardianship and because of his desire to annul the unjust decrees of the Amphictyons, he was vindicating the ancestral laws of the Phocians.

25. The Boeotians, coming together in an assembly, voted to rally to the support of the oracle and immediately dispatched troops. While these things were going on, Philomelus threw a wall around the shrine and began to assemble a large number of mercenaries by raising the pay to half as much again, and selecting the bravest of the Phocians he enrolled them and quickly had a considerable army; for with no less than five thousand troops he took up a position in defence of Delphi, already a formidable adversary for those who wished to make war upon him. Later on, having led an expedition into the territory of the Locrians and laid waste much of the enemy’s land, he

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δῃώσας κατεστρατοπεδεύσατο πλησίον ποταμοῦ τινος ῥέοντος παρὰ φρούριον ὀχυρόν. τούτῳ δὲ προσβολὰς ποιησάμενος καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος ἑλεῖν τῆς μὲν πολιορκίας ἀπέστη, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Λοκροὺς συνάψας μάχην ἀπέβαλε τῶν στρατιωτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ τῶν νεκρῶν οὐ δυνηθεὶς κρατῆσαι τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτῶν διὰ κήρυκος ᾐτήσατο. οἱ δὲ Λοκροὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν οὐ συγχωροῦντες ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκαν ὅτι παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι κοινὸς νόμος ἐστὶν ἀτάφους 3ῥίπτεσθαι τοὺς ἱεροσύλους. ὁ δὲ Φιλόμηλος χαλεπῶς φέρων τὸ συμβεβηκὸς συνῆψε μάχην τοῖς Λοκροῖς καὶ πᾶσαν εἰσενεγκάμενος φιλοτιμίαν ἀνεῖλέ τινας τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τῶν σωμάτων κυριεύσας ἠνάγκασε τοὺς Λοκροὺς ἀλλαγὴν ποιήσασθαι τῶν νεκρῶν. κρατῶν δὲ τῶν ὑπαίθρων καὶ πολλὴν πορθήσας τῆς Λοκρίδος ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐμπεπληκὼς ὠφελείας τοὺς στρατιώτας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περὶ τοῦ πολέμου βουλόμενος χρήσασθαι τῷ μαντείῳ τὴν Πυθίαν ἠνάγκασεν ἀναβᾶσαν ἐπὶ τὸν τρίποδα δοῦναι τὸν χρησμόν.

26. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ τρίποδος ἐμνήσθην, οὐκ ἄκαιρον προσαναλαβεῖν ἡγοῦμαι τὴν παλαιὰν περὶ αὐτοῦ παραδεδομένην ἱστορίαν. λέγεται γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν αἶγας εὑρεῖν τὸ μαντεῖον· οὗ χάριν αἰξὶ μάλιστα 2χρηστηριάζονται μέχρι τοῦ νῦν οἱ Δελφοί. τὸν δὲ τρόπον τῆς εὑρέσεως γενέσθαι φασὶ τοιοῦτον. ὄντος χάσματος ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ καθ᾿ ὅν ἐστι νῦν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸ καλούμενον ἄδυτον, καὶ περὶ τοῦτο νενομένων1 αἰγῶν, διὰ τὸ μήπω κατοικεῖσθαι τοὺς Δελφούς, αἰεὶ τὴν προσιοῦσαν τῷ χάσματι2 καὶ προσβλέψασαν αὐτῷ σκιρτᾶν θαυμαστῶς καὶ προίεσθαι

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encamped near a river that flowed past a stronghold. 355/4 b.c. Though he made assaults upon this, he was unable to take it and finally desisted from the siege, but joining battle with the Locrians he lost twenty of his men, and not being able to get possession of their bodies, he asked through a herald the privilege of taking them up. The Locrians, refusing to grant this, gave answer that amongst all the Greeks it was the general law that temple-robbers should be cast forth without burial. Philomelus so resented this that he joined battle with the Locrians and, bending every effort, slew some of the enemy, and having got possession of their bodies compelled the Locrians to make an exchange of the dead. As he was master of the open country, he sacked a large portion of Locris and returned to Delphi, having given his soldiers their fill of the spoils of war. After this, since he wished to consult the oracle for the war, he compelled the Pythian priestess to mount her tripod and deliver the oracle.

26. Since I have mentioned the tripod, I think it not inopportune to recount the ancient story which has been handed down about it. It is said that in ancient times goats discovered the oracular shrine, on which account even to this day the Delphians use goats preferably when they consult the oracle. They say that the manner of its discovery was the following. There is a chasm at this place where now is situated what is known as the “forbidden” sanctuary, and as goats had been wont to feed about this because Delphi had not as yet been settled, invariably any goat that approached the chasm and peered into it would leap about in an extraordinary fashion and utter a sound

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φωνὴν διάφορον ἢ πρότερον εἰώθει φθέγγεσθαι. 3τὸν δ᾿ ἐπιστατοῦντα ταῖς αἰξὶ θαυμάσαι τὸ παράδοξον καὶ προσελθόντα τῷ χάσματι καὶ κατιδόντα οἷόνπερ ἦν ταὐτὸ παθεῖν ταῖς αἰξίν· ἐκείνας τε γὰρ ὅμοια ποιεῖν τοῖς ἐνθουσιάζουσι καὶ τοῦτον προλέγειν τὰ μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῆς φήμης παρὰ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις διαδοθείσης περὶ τοῦ πάθους τῶν προσιόντων τῷ χάσματι πλείους ἀπαντᾶν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, διὰ δὲ τὸ παράδοξον πάντων ἀποπειρωμένων τοὺς αἰεὶ πλησιάζοντας ἐνθουσιάζειν. δι᾿ ἃς αἰτίας θαυμαστωθῆναί1 τε τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ νομισθῆναι τῆς Γῆς εἶναι τὸ 4χρηστήριον. καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα τοὺς βουλομένους μαντεύεσθαι προσιόντας τῷ χάσματι ποιεῖθαι τὰς μαντείας ἀλλήλοις· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλῶν καθαλλομένων εἰς τὸ χάσμα διὰ τὸν ἐνθουσιασμὸν καὶ πάντων ἀφανιζομένων δόξαι τοῖς κατοικοῦσι περὶ τὸν τόπον, ἵνα μηδεὶς κινδυνεύῃ, προφῆτίν τε μίαν πᾶσι καταστῆσαι γυναῖκα καὶ διὰ ταύτης γίνεσθαι τὴν χρησμολογίαν. ταύτῃ δὲ κατασκευασθῆναι μηχανὴν ἐφ᾿ ἣν ἀναβαίνουσαν ἀσφαλῶς ἐνθουσιάζειν 5καὶ μαντεύεσθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις. εἶναι δὲ τὴν μηχανὴν τρεῖς ἔχουσαν βάσεις, ἀφ᾿ ὧν αὐτὴν τρίποδα κληθῆναι· σχεδὸν δὲ πάντας τούτου τοῦ2 κατασκευάσματος ἀπομιμήματα γίνεσθαι τοὺς ἔτι καὶ νῦν κατασκευαζομένους χαλκοῦς τρίποδας. ὃν μὲν οὖν τρόπον εὑρέθη τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ δι᾿ ἃς αἰτίας ὁ τρίπους κατεσκευάσθη ἱκανῶς εἰρῆσθαι νομίζω.

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quite different from what it was formerly wont to 355/4 b.c. emit. The herdsman in charge of the goats marvelled at the strange phenomenon and having approached the chasm and peeped down it to discover what it was, had the same experience as the goats,1 for the goats began to act like beings possessed and the goatherd also began to foretell future events. After this as the report was bruited among the people of the vicinity concerning the experience of those who approached the chasm, an increasing number of persons visited the place and, as they all tested it because of its miraculous character, whosoever approached the spot became inspired. For these reasons the oracle came to be regarded as a marvel and to be considered the prophecy-giving shrine of Earth. For some time all who wished to obtain a prophecy approached the chasm and made their prophetic replies to one another; but later, since many were leaping down into the chasm under the influence of their frenzy and all disappeared, it seemed best to the dwellers in that region, in order to eliminate the risk, to station one woman there as a single prophetess for all and to have the oracles told through her. And for her a contrivance was devised which she could safely mount, then become inspired and give prophecies to those who so desired. And this contrivance has three supports and hence was called a tripod, and, I dare say, all the bronze tripods which are constructed even to this day are made in imitation of this contrivance.2 In what manner, then, the oracle was discovered and for what reasons the tripod was devised I think I have told

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6θεσπιῳδεῖν δὲ τὸ ἀρχαῖον λέγεται παρθένους δια τε τὸ τῆς φύσεως ἀδιάφθορον καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ὁμογενές· ταύτας γὰρ εὐθετεῖν πρὸς τὸ τηρεῖν τὰ ἀπόρρητα τῶν χρησμῳδουμένων. ἐν δὲ τοῖς νεωτέροις χρόνοις φασὶν Ἐχεκράτη τὸν Θετταλὸν παραγενόμενον εἰς τὸ χρηστήριον καὶ θεασάμενον τὴν χρησμολογοῦσαν παρθένον ἐρασθῆναι διὰ τὸ κάλλος αὐτῆς καὶ συναρπάσαντα βιάσασθαι· τοὺς δὲ Δελφοὺς διὰ τὸ γεγενημένον πάθος εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν νομοθετῆσαι μηκέτι παρθένον χρηστηριάζειν, ἀλλὰ γυναῖκα πρεσβυτέραν πεντήκοντα ἐτῶν χρησμολογεῖν· κοσμεῖσθαι δ᾿ αὐτὴν παρθενικῇ σκευῇ, καθάπερ ὑπομνήματι τῆς παλαιᾶς προφήτιδος.

Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς εὑρέσεως τοῦ μαντείου μυθολογούμενα τοιαῦτ᾿ ἐστίν· ἡμεῖς δ᾿ ἐπανήξομεν1 ἐπὶ τὰς Φιλομήλου πράξεις.

27. Οὗτος γὰρ κρατῶν τοῦ μαντείου προσέταττε τῇ Πυθίᾳ τὴν μαντείαν ἀπὸ τοῦ τρίποδος ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια. ἀποκριναμένης δ᾿ αὐτῆς ὅτι τοιαῦτα οὐκ2 ἔστι τὰ πάτρια διηπειλήσατο καὶ συνηνάγκασε τὴν ἀνάβασιν ποιεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τὸν τρίποδα. ἀποφθεγξαμένης δ᾿ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὴν ὑπεροχὴν τοῦ βιαζομένου ὅτι ἔξεστιν αὐτῷ πράττειν ὃ βούλεται, ἀσμένως τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐδέξατο καὶ τὸν προσήκοντα χρησμὸν ἔχειν ἀπεφαίνετο. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τὸν χρησμὸν ἔγγραφον ποιήσας καὶ προθεὶς εἰς τοὐμφανὲς ἅπασιν ἐποίησε φανερὸν ὅτι ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ 2δίδωσιν ἐξουσίαν πράττειν ὅ τι βούλεται. συναγαγὼν δ᾿ ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τὴν μαντείαν τοῖς πλήθεσι δηλώσας καὶ παρακαλέσας θαρρεῖν ἐτρέπετο πρὸς

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at sufficient length. It is said that in ancient times 355/4 b.c. virgins delivered the oracles because virgins have their natural innocence intact and are in the same case as Artemis; for indeed virgins were alleged to be well suited to guard the secrecy of disclosures made by oracles. In more recent times, however, people say that Echecrates the Thessalian, having arrived at the shrine and beheld the virgin who uttered the oracle, became enamoured of her because of her beauty, carried her away with him and violated her; and that the Delphians because of this deplorable occurrence passed a law that in future a virgin should no longer prophesy but that an elderly woman of fifty should declare the oracles and that she should be dressed in the costume of a virgin, as a sort of reminder of the prophetess of olden times.

Such are the details of the legend regarding the discovery of the oracle; and now we shall turn to the activities of Philomelus.

27. When Philomelus had control of the oracle he directed the Pythia to make her prophecies from the tripod in the ancestral fashion. But when she replied that such was not the ancestral fashion, he threatened her harshly and compelled her to mount the tripod. Then when she frankly declared, referring to the superior power of the man who was resorting to violence: It is in your power to do as you please,” he gladly accepted her utterance and declared that he had the oracle which suited him. He immediately had the oracle inscribed and set it up in full view, and made it clear to everyone that the god gave him the authority to do as he pleased. Having got together an assembly and disclosed the prophecy to the multitude and urged them to be of good cheer, he turned to

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τὰς τοῦ πολέμου πράξεις. ἐγένετο δ᾿ αὐτῷ καὶ σημεῖον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος· ἀετὸς γὰρ ὑπερπετώμενος τὸν ναὸν1 τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ συγκυλισθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν τὰς τρεφομένας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ περιστερὰς ἐθήρευεν, ὧν ἐνίας ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἥρπαζε τῶν βωμῶν. τὸ δὲ σημεῖον ἔφασαν οἱ περὶ ταῦτ᾿ ἀσχολούμενοι σημαίνειν τῷ Φιλομήλῳ καὶ τοῖς Φωκεῦσι κρατήσειν 3τῶν περὶ Δελφοὺς πραγμάτων. ἐπαρθεὶς οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐπέλεξε τῶν φίλων τοὺς εὐθετωτάτους εἰς τὰς πρεσβείας καὶ τούτων τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας, τοὺς δ᾿ εἰς Λακεδαίμονα, τοὺς δ᾿ εἰς τὰς Θήβας ἐξέπεμψεν· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐπισημοτάτας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων ἀπέστειλεν, ἀπολογούμενος ὅτι κατείληπται τοὺς Δελφοὺς οὐ τοῖς ἱεροῖς χρήμασιν ἐπιβουλεύων, ἀλλὰ τῆς τοῦ ἱεροῦ προστασίας ἀμφισβητῶν· εἶναι γὰρ Φωκέων αὐτὴν ἰδίαν ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς χρόνοις ἀποδεδειγμένην. 4τῶν δὲ χρημάτων τὸν λόγον ἔφη πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀποδώσειν καὶ τόν τε σταθμὸν καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἕτοιμος εἶναι παραδοῦναι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐξετάζειν. ἠξίου δέ, ἄν τις δι᾿ ἔχθραν ἢ φθόνον πολεμῇ Φωκεῦσι, μάλιστα μὲν συμμαχεῖν, εἰ δὲ μή γε, τὴν ἡσυχίαν 5ἄγειν. τῶν δὲ πρέσβεων τὸ προσταχθὲν πραξάντων Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καί τινες ἄλλοι συμμαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν συνέθεντο καὶ βοηθήσειν ἐπηγγείλαντο, Βοιωτοὶ δὲ καὶ Λοκροὶ καί τινες ἕτεροι τἀναντία τούτοις ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὑπὲρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Φωκεῖς ἐπανείλαντο.

Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπράχθη κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν.

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the business of the war. There came to him an omen as 355/4 b.c. well, in the temple of Apollo, namely an eagle which, after flying over the temple of the god and swooping down to earth, preyed upon the pigeons which were maintained in the temple precincts, some of which it snatched away from the very altars. Those versed in such matters declared that the omen indicated to Philomelus and the Phocians that they would control the affairs of Delphi. Elated accordingly by these events, he selected the best qualified of his friends for the embassies, and sent some to Athens, some to Lacedaemon, and some to Thebes; and he likewise sent envoys to the other most distinguished cities of the Greek world, explaining that he had seized Delphi, not with any designs upon its sacred properties but to assert a claim to the guardianship of the sanctuary; for this guardianship had been ordained in early times as belonging to the Phocians. He said he would render due account of the property to all the Greeks and expressed himself as ready to report the weight and the number of the dedications to all who wished an examination. But he requested that, if any through enmity or envy were to engage in war against the Phocians, these cities should preferably join forces with him, or, if not, at least maintain peaceful relations.1 When the envoys had accomplished their appointed mission, the Athenians, Lacedaemonians, and some others arranged an alliance with him and promised assistance, but the Boeotians, Locrians, and some others passed decrees to the contrary intent and renewed the war in behalf of the god upon the Phocians.

Such were the events of this year.

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28. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Δι οτίμου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Γάιον Μάρκιον καὶ Γναῖον Μάλλιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Φιλόμηλος μὲν προορώμενος τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ πολέμου μισθοφόρων τε πλῆθος ἤθροιζε, τῶν τε Φωκέων τοὺς εὐθέτους 2κατέλεγεν εἰς τὴν στρατείαν. τοῦ δὲ πολέμου προσδεομένου χρημάτων τῶν μὲν ἱερῶν ἀναθημάτων ἀπείχετο, τοὺς δὲ Δελφοὺς εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ πλούτῳ διαφέροντας ἐπράξατο πλῆθος χρημάτων ἱκανὸν εἰς τοὺς τῶν ξένων μισθούς. κατασκευάσας οὖν ἀξιόλογον δύναμιν προήγαγεν εἰς ὕπαιθρον καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἑτοίμως ἔχων διαγωνίζεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς 3ἀλλοτρίως διακειμένους τοῖς Φωκεῦσι. τῶν δὲ Λοκρῶν στρατευσάντων ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐγένετο μάχη περὶ τὰς Φαιδριάδας καλουμένας πέτρας, ἣν νικήσας ὁ Φιλόμηλος πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλε τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ὀλίγους δ᾿ ἐζώγρησε, τινὰς δὲ κατὰ τῆς πέτρας συνηνάγκασεν ἑαυτοὺς κατακρημνίσαι. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ταύτην οἱ μὲν Φωκεῖς ἐπήρθησαν τοῖς φρονήμασι διὰ τὴν εὐημερίαν, οἱ δὲ Λοκροὶ ταπεινωθέντες πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὰς Θήβας ἀξιοῦντες τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τε καὶ τῷ 4θεῷ. οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ διά τε τὴν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ συμφέρειν αὐτοῖς τὰς τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων κρίσεις βεβαίας εἶναι πρός τε τοὺς Θετταλοὺς ἐπρέσβευσαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἀμφικτύονας ἀξιοῦντες κοινῇ πολεμῆσαι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι. ψηφισαμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων τὸν πρὸς Φωκεῖς πόλεμον πολλὴ ταραχὴ καὶ διάστασις ἦν καθ᾿ ὅλην τὴν Ἑλλάδα. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔκριναν

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28. When Diotimus was archon at Athens, the 354/3 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Gnaeus Manlius. During their term of office Philomelus, foreseeing the magnitude of the war, began to gather a multitude of mercenaries and to select for active duty those of the Phocians who were fit. Although the war required additional funds, he kept his hands off the sacred dedications, but he did exact from the Delphians, who were exceptionally prosperous and wealthy, a sufficient sum of money to pay the mercenaries. Having accordingly prepared a large army, he led it into the open country and was obviously holding himself ready to join issue with any who were hostile to the Phocians. And when the Locrians took the field against him a battle was fought near the cliffs called Phaedriades,1 in which Philomelus won the victory, having slain many of the enemy and taken not a few alive, while some he forced to hurl themselves over the precipices. After this battle the Phocians were elated by their success, but the Locrians, being quite dejected, sent ambassadors to Thebes asking the Boeotians to come to their support and the god’s. The Boeotians because of their reverence for the gods and because of the advantage they gained if the decisions of the Amphictyons were enforced, sent embassies to the Thessalians and the other Amphictyons demanding that they make war in common against the Phocians. But when the Amphictyons voted the war against the Phocians much confusion and disagreement reigned throughout the length and breadth of Greece. For some decided to stand by the god and

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βοηθεῖν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τοὺς Φωκεῖς ὡς ἱεροσύλους κολάζειν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν τῶν Φωκέων βοήθειαν ἀπέκλινον.

29. Σχιζομένης δὲ τῆς τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων αἱρέσεως τῷ μὲν ἱερῷ βοηθεῖν ἔγνωσαν Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Λοκροὶ καὶ Θετταλοὶ καὶ Περραιβοί, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Δωριεῖς καὶ Δόλοπες, ἔτι δὲ Ἀθαμᾶνες καὶ Ἀχαιοὶ1 Φθιῶται καὶ Μάγνητες, ἔτι δὲ Αἰνιᾶνες καί τινες ἕτεροι, τοῖς δὲ Φωκεῦσι συνεμάχουν Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καί τινες ἕτεροι τῶν 2Πελοποννησίων. προθυμότατα δὲ συνέπραττον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι2 διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. ἐν τῷ Λευκτρικῷ πολέμῳ Θηβαῖοι καταπολεμήσαντες τοὺς πολεμίους δίκην ἐπήνεγκαν εἰς Ἀμφικτύονας κατὰ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, ὅτι Φοιβίδας ὁ Σπαρτιάτης κατελάβετο τὴν Καδμείαν, καὶ διετιμήσαντο τὸ ἀδίκημα ταλάντων πεντακοσίων. καταδικασθέντων δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τὴν δίκην οὐκ ἐκτινόντων κατὰ τὸν ὡρισμένον ἐκ τῶν νόμων καιρὸν οἱ Θηβαῖοι πάλιν δίκην ἐπήνεγκαν διπλοῦ τοῦ ἀδικήματος. 3τῶν δ᾿ Ἀμφικτυόνων χιλίοις ταλάντοις καταδικασάντων οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ὀφλήματος ὁμοίας τοῖς Φωκεῦσι τὰς ἀποφάσεις ἐποιοῦντο, λέγοντες ἀδίκως ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων 4καταδεδικάσθαι. διόπερ κοινοῦ ὄντος τοῦ συμφέροντος οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατ᾿ ἰδίαν μὲν ὤκνουν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταδίκης ἄρασθαι πόλεμον, διὰ δὲ τοῦ

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punish the Phocians as temple-robbers, while others 354/8 b.c. inclined toward giving the Phocians assistance.1

29. As tribes and cities were divided in their choice, the Boeotians, Locrians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians decided to aid the shrine, and in addition the Dorians and Dolopians, likewise the Athamanians, Achaeans of Phthiotis, and the Magnesians, also the Aenianians and some others; while the Athenians,2 Lacedaemonians, and some others of the Peloponnesians fought on the side of the Phocians. The Lacedaemonians co-operated most eagerly for the following reasons. In the Leuctrian War3 the Thebans, after defeating the enemy, brought suit before the Amphictyons against the Spartans, the charge being that Phoebidas the Spartan had seized the Cadmeia,4 and the Amphictyons assessed a fine of five hundred talents for the offence. Then when the Lacedaemonians had had judgement entered against them and failed to pay the fine during the period set by the laws, the Thebans again brought suit, this time for double damages. When the Amphictyons set the judgement at a thousand talents, the Lacedaemonians, on account of the large amount of the fine, made declarations similar to those of the Phocians, saying that an unjust judgement had been rendered against them by the Amphictyons. Wherefore, though their interests were now common, the Lacedaemonians hesitated to begin war by themselves on account of the adverse judgement, but thought that it was more

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προσώπου τῶν Φωκέων εὐσχημονέστερον ἔκρινον ἀκυρῶσαι τὰς κρίσεις τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων. διὰ δὴ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ἑτοιμότατα συνεμάχουν τοῖς Φωκεῦσι καὶ τὴν προστασίαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ συγκατεσκεύαζον αὐτοῖς.

30. Φανεροῦ δ᾿ ὄντος ὅτι Βοιωτοὶ μεγάλῃ δυνάμει στρατεύσουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Φωκεῖς ὁ Φιλόμηλος ἔκρινε μισθοφόρων ἀθροίζειν πλῆθος. προσδεομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου χρημάτων πλειόνων ἠναγκάζετο τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἀναθήμασιν ἐπιβάλλειν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ συλᾶν τὸ μαντεῖον. ὑποστησαμένου δ᾿ αὐτοῦ τοῖς ξένοις μισθοὺς ἡμιολίους ταχὺ πλῆθος ἠθροίσθη μισθοφόρων, πολλῶν ὑπακουόντων πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν 2διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν μισθῶν. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἐπιεικῶν ἀνδρῶν οὐδεὶς ἀπεγράψατο πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν διὰ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν, οἱ δὲ πονηρότατοι καὶ θεῶν διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν καταφρονοῦντες προθύμως συνέτρεχον πρὸς τὸν Φιλόμηλον καὶ ταχὺ δύναμις ἰσχυρὰ συνέστη τῶν πρὸς τὴν ἱεροσυλίαν 3ὁρμωμένων. ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλόμηλος διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς εὐπορίας ταχὺ δύναμιν ἀξιόχρεων κατεσκευάσατο. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐστράτευσεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Λοκρῶν χώραν ἔχων στρατιώτας ἱππεῖς τε καὶ πεζοὺς πλείους τῶν μυρίων. ἀντιταχθέντων δὲ τῶν Λοκρῶν καὶ τῶν Βοιωτῶν βοηθησάντων τοῖς Λοκροῖς ἱππομαχία συνέστη, καθ᾿ ἣν προετέρησαν οἱ Φωκεῖς. 4μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ μὲν Θετταλοὶ μετὰ τῶν πλησιοχώρων συμμάχων ἀθροισθέντες εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους ἧκον εἰς τὴν Λοκρίδα καὶ συνάψαντες μάχην τοῖς Φωκεῦσι περὶ λόφον Ἀργόλαν ὀνομαζόμενον

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seemly to annul the judgements of the Amphictyons 354/3 b.c. through the agency of the Phocians. For these particular reasons they were very ready to fight on the side of the Phocians and they co-operated in securing for them the guardianship of the sanctuary.

30. When it was clear that the Boeotians would take the field with a large army against the Phocians, Philomelus decided to gather a great number of mercenaries. Since the war required ampler funds he was compelled to lay his hands1 on the sacred dedications and to plunder the oracle. By setting the base pay for the mercenaries at half as much again as was usual he quickly assembled a large number of mercenaries, since many answered the summons to the campaign on account of the size of the pay. Now no men of honourable character enrolled for the campaign because of their reverence for the gods, but the worst knaves, and those who despised the gods, because of their own greed, eagerly gathered about Philomelus and quickly a strong army was formed out of those whose object it was to plunder the shrine. So Philomelus, because of the magnitude of his resources, soon had prepared a considerable army. He immediately advanced into the territory of the Locrians with soldiers both foot and horse amounting to more than ten thousand. When the Locrians marshalled their forces to meet him and the Boeotians came to the support of the Locrians, a cavalry battle ensued in which the Phocians had the superiority. After this the Thessalians together with the allies from neighbouring districts, having assembled to the number of six thousand, arrived in Locris and joining battle with the Phocians met with a defeat by a hill called

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ἡττήθησαν. ἐπιφανέντων δὲ Βοιωτῶν μυρίοις καὶ τρισχιλίοις στρατιώταις καὶ τῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου Ἀχαιῶν χιλίοις καὶ πεντακοσίοις βοηθησάντων τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἀντεστρατοπέδευσαν αἱ δυνάμεις, ἀμφοτέρων ἀθροισθέντων εἰς ἕνα τόπον.

31. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ κατὰ τὰς προνομὰς ζωγρήσαντες οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν μισθοφόρων, προαγαγόντες πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐκήρυξαν ὅτι τούσδε τοὺς ἄνδρας οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες στρατευσαμένους μετὰ τῶν ἱεροσύλων θανάτῳ κολάζουσιν· εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἔργων τοῖς λόγοις ἀκολουθούντων ἅπαντας 2κατηκόντισαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις οἱ παρὰ τοῖς Φωκεῦσι μισθοφόροι παροξυνθέντες ἠξίουν τὸν Φιλόμηλον τῆς ὁμοίας τιμωρίας ἀξιῶσαι τοὺς πολεμίους, μεγάλην δὲ φιλονεικίαν εἰσενεγκάμενοι καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλανωμένων παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ζωγρήσαντες ἀνήγαγον, οὓς ἅπαντας ὁ Φιλόμηλος κατηκόντισε. διὰ δὲ ταύτης τῆς κολάσεως τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐποίησαν μεθέσθαι1 τῆς ὑπερηφάνου 3καὶ δεινῆς τιμωρίας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν δυνάμεων εἰς ἄλλην χώραν ἐμβαλουσῶν καὶ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν ποιουμένων διὰ τόπων καταδένδρων καὶ τραχέων ἄφνω συνέμιξαν ἀλλήλοις οἱ προηγούμενοι τῆς στρατιᾶς. γενομένης δὲ συμπλοκῆς εἶτα μάχης ἰσχυρᾶς, οἱ Βοιωτοὶ τῷ πλήθει πολὺ προέχοντες 4ἐνίκησαν τοὺς Φωκεῖς. τῆς δὲ φυγῆς γινομένης διὰ τόπου κρημνώδους καὶ δυσεξίτου πολλοὶ τῶν τε Φωκέων καὶ μισθοφόρων κατεκόπησαν· ὁ δὲ Φιλόμηλος ἐκθύμως ἀγωνισάμενος καὶ πολλοῖς

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Argolas.1 When the Boeotians put in an appearance 354/3 b.c. with thirteen thousand men and the Achaeans from the Peloponnesus came to the support of the Phocians with fifteen hundred, the armies encamped over against one another, both assembled in one place.

31. After this the Boeotians, who had taken captive on foraging parties a good many mercenaries, brought them out in front of the city and made an announcement by heralds that the Amphictyons were punishing with death these men present who had enlisted with the temple-robbers; and immediately, making the deed follow the word, shot them all down. But the mercenaries serving with the Phocians were so enraged by this that they demanded of Philomelus that he mete out the like punishment to the enemy, and then, when, bending every effort, they had taken captive many men who were straggling up and down the countryside where the enemy were, they brought them back and all these Philomelus shot. Through this punishment they forced the opposite side to give up their overweening and cruel vengeance. After this, as the armies were invading another district and were making a march through heavily wooded rough regions, both vanguards suddenly became intermingled. An engagement took place and then a sharp battle in which the Boeotians, who far outnumbered the Phocians, defeated them. As the flight took place through precipitous and almost impassable country2 many of the Phocians and their mercenaries were cut down. Philomelus, after he had fought courageously and had suffered many

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τραύμασι περιπεσὼν εἴς τινα κρημνώδη τόπον συνεκλείσθη· οὐκ ἔχων δὲ διέξοδον καὶ φοβούμενος τὴν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας αἰκίαν ἑαυτὸν κατεκρήμνισε καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον δοὺς τῷ δαιμονίῳ 5δίκας κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. ὁ δὲ συνάρχων αὐτῷ στρατηγὸς Ὀνόμαρχος διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἀνασωζομένης δυνάμεως ἀναχωρήσας ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς ἐπανιόντας.

6Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Φίλιππος ὁ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς Μεθώνην μὲν ἐκπολιορκήσας καὶ διαρπάσας κατέακαψε, Παγασὰς1 δὲ χειρωσάμενος ἠνάγκασεν ὑποταγῆναι. κατὰ δὲ τὸν Πόντον Λεύκων ὁ τοῦ Βοσπόρου βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἄρξας ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος Σπάρτακος2 ὁ υἱὸς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη πέντε. 7Ῥωμαίοις δὲ πρὸς Φαλίσκους συνέστη πόλεμος καὶ μέγα μὲν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾿ ἄξιον μνήμης ἐπετελέσθη, καταδρομαὶ δὲ καὶ πορθήσεις τῆς χώρας τῶν Φαλίσκων ἐγίνοντο. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν Δίωνος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σφαγέντος ὑπὸ Ζακυνθίων τινῶν3 μισθοφόρων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν διεδέξατο Κάλλιππος ὁ τούτους πρὸς τὸν φόνον παρασκευάσας καὶ ἦρξε μῆνας τρεισκαίδεκα.

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wounds, was driven into a precipitous area and there 354/3 b.c. hemmed in, and since there was no exit from it and he feared the torture after capture, he hurled himself over the cliff and having thus made atonement to the gods ended his life. Onomarchus, his colleague in the generalship, having succeeded to the command and retreated with such of his force as survived, collected any who returned from the flight.

While these things were going on, Philip, king of the Macedonians, after taking Methonê1 by storm and pillaging it, razed it to the ground, and having subdued Pagasae forced it to submit. In the region of the Black Sea Leucon, the king of the Bosporus, died after ruling forty years, and Spartacus,2 his son, succeeding to the throne, reigned for five years. A war took place between the Romans and Faliscans3 and nothing important or memorable was accomplished; only raids and pillaging of the territory of the Faliscans went on. In Sicily after Dion the general had been slain by some mercenaries from Zacynthos, Callippus,4 who had procured them for the assassination, succeeded him and ruled thirteen months.

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32. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Θουδήμου1 Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Πόπλιον καὶ Μάρκον Φάβιον.2 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Βοιωτοὶ νενικηκότες τοὺς Φωκεῖς καὶ νομίσαντες τὸν αἰτιώτατον τῆς ἱεροσυλίας Φιλόμηλον ὑπὸ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων κεκολασμένον ἀποτρέψειν τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμοίας 2κακίας ἀνέζευξαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. οἱ δὲ Φωκεῖς ἀπολυθέντες τοῦ πολέμου κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Δελφοὺς καὶ συνελθόντες μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων εἰς κοινὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τοῦ πολέμου. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπιεικέστατοι πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην ἔρρεπον, οἱ δ᾿ ἀσεβεῖς καὶ τόλμῃ καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ διαφέροντες ἐφρόνουν τὰ ἐναντία καὶ περιεβλέποντο ζητοῦντες τὸν συνηγορήσοντα ταῖς σφετέραις παρανομίαις. 3Ὀνόμαρχος δὲ πεφροντισμένον λόγον διελθὼν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τηρεῖν τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς προαίρεσιν προετρέψατο τὰ πλήθη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, οὐχ οὕτω τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος προνοηθείς, ὡς τὸ ἴδιον λυσιτελὲς προκρίνας· πολλαῖς γὰρ καὶ μεγάλαις δίκαις ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ἦν καταδεδικασμένος ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τὰ ὀφλήματα οὐκ ἐκτετικώς. διόπερ ὁρῶν αἰρετώτερον αὑτῷ3 τὸν πόλεμον ὄντα τῆς εἰρήνης εὐλόγως τοὺς Φωκεῖς καὶ συμμάχους παρώξυνε 4τηρεῖν τὴν ὑπόστασιν τοῦ Φιλομήλου. αἱρεθεὶς δὲ στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ μισθοφόρων τε πλῆθος ἤθροιζε καὶ τὰς τῶν τετελευτηκότων τάξεις ἀναπληρώσας καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν ξενολογηθέντων αὐξήσας τὴν δύναμιν μεγάλας παρασκευὰς ἐποιεῖτο

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32. When Thudemus was archon at Athens, the 353/2 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Marcus Poplius and Marcus Fabius. During their term of office, now that the Boeotians had won a victory over the Phocians and were of the opinion that the fate of Philomelus, who was chiefly responsible for the plundering of the temple and who had been punished by gods and men, would deter the rest from like villainy, they returned to their own country. But the Phocians, now freed from the war, for the present returned to Delphi and there meeting with their allies in a common assembly deliberated on the war. The moderate party inclined toward the peace, but the irreligious, the hot-headed and avaricious were of the opposite opinion and were looking around to find the proper spokesman to support their lawless aims. When Onomarchus arose and delivered a carefully argued speech urging them to adhere to their original purpose, he swung the sentiment of the gathering toward war, though he did so not so much with the intention of consulting the common welfare as with a view to his own interests, for he had been sentenced frequently and severely by the Amphictyons in the same manner as the rest and had not discharged the fines. Accordingly, seeing that war was more desirable for himself than peace, he quite logically urged the Phocians and their allies to adhere to the project of Philomelus. Having been chosen general with supreme command, he began to collect a large number of mercenaries, and, filling the gaps in his ranks caused by the casualties and having increased his army by the large number of foreigners enrolled, he set about making great preparations of

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συμμάχων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν εἰς πόλεμον χρησίμων.

33. Ἐπῆρε δ᾿ αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν ὑπόστασιν ταύτην ὄνειρος ἔμφασιν διδοὺς μεγάλης αὐξήσεώς τε καὶ δόξης· κατὰ γὰρ τὸν ὕπνον ἔδοξε τὸν κολοττὸν τὸν χαλκοῦν ὃν ἀνέθηκαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες, ἀναπλάττειν εἰς ὕψος ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶ καὶ ποιῆσαι πολὺ μείζονα. ὑπέλαβεν οὖν αὐτῷ σημαίνεσθαι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν αὔξησιν δόξης ἔσεσθαι διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ1 στρατηγίας· τὸ δ᾿ ἀληθὲς οὐχ οὕτως εἶχε, τοὐναντίον δὲ παρεσημαίνετο· διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἀμφικτύονας ἐκ τοῦ ζημιώματος ἀναθεῖναι,2 τῶν Φωκέων εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν παρανομησάντων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ζημιωθέντων, ἐσημαίνετο ἡ ζημία τῶν Φωκέων αὔξησιν ἀπολήψεσθαι ταῖς τοῦ Ὀνομάρχου 2χερσίν· ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι. ὁ δ᾿ οὖν3 Ὀνόμαρχος στρατηγὸς4 αὐτοκράτωρ ᾑρημένος ἐκ μὲν τοῦ χαλκοῦ καὶ σιδήρου κατεσκεύασεν ὅπλων πλῆθος, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου νόμισμα κόψας ταῖς τε συμμαχούσαις πόλεσι διεδίδου καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς προεστηκότας ἐδωροδόκει. διέφθειρε δὲ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων πολλούς, οὓς μὲν συμμαχεῖν πείθων, οὓς 3δὲ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν ἀξιῶν. πάντα δὲ ῥᾳδίως ἐπετέλει διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων φιλαργυρίαν· καὶ γὰρ τοὺς Θετταλούς, μέγιστον ἔχοντας τῶν συμμάχων ἀξίωμα, δωροδοκήσας ἔπεισε τὴν ἡσυχίαν

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allies and of everything else that is serviceable for 353/2 b.c. war.

33. He was greatly encouraged in this undertaking by a dream which gave intimation of great increase of power and glory. In his sleep, namely, it seemed that he was remodelling with his own hands the bronze statue1 which the Amphictyons had dedicated in the temple of Apollo, making it much taller and larger. He accordingly assumed that a sign was being given to him from the gods that there would be an increase of glory because of his services as general. But the truth turned out to be otherwise, rather the contrary was indicated because of the fact that the Amphictyons had dedicated the statue out of the fines paid by the Phocians who had acted lawlessly toward the shrine and had been fined for so doing. What was indicated was that the fine of the Phocians would take on an increase at the hands of Onomarchus; and such turned out to be the case. Onomarchus, when he had been chosen general in supreme command, prepared a great supply of weapons from the bronze and iron, and having struck coinage from the silver and gold distributed it among the allied cities and chiefly gave it as bribes to the leaders of those cities. Indeed he succeeded in corrupting many of the enemy too, some of whom he persuaded to fight on his side, and others he required to maintain the peace. He easily accomplished everything because of man’s greed. In fact he persuaded even the Thessalians, who were held in highest esteem amongst the allies, by bribes to

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ἔχειν. καὶ τῶν μὲν Φωκέων τοὺς ἐναντιουμένους συλλαμβάνων ἀνῄρει καὶ τὰς οὐσίας ἐδήμευεν. εἰς δὲ τὴν πολεμίαν ἐμβαλὼν Θρόνιον μὲν ἐκπολιορκήσας ἐξηνδραποδίσατο, Ἀμφισσεῖς δὲ καταπληξάμενος 4ἠνάγκασεν ὑποτάττεσθαι. τὰς δ᾿ ἐν Δωριεῦσι πόλεις πορθήσας τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐδῄωσεν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐμβαλὼν Ὀρχομενὸν μὲν εἷλεν, ἐπιχειρήσας δ᾿ ἐκπολιορκεῖν1 Χαιρώνειαν καὶ ἡττηθεὶς ὑπὸ Θηβαίων ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

34. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Ἀρτάβαζος, ἀποστάτης ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως, διεπολέμει πρὸς τοὺς ἀποσταλέντας ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως σατράπας εἰς τὸν πόλεμον. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον συμμαχοῦντος αὐτῷ Χάρητος τοῦ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῦ ἐρρωμένως ἀντετάττετο τοῖς σατράπαις, ἐκείνου δ᾿ ἀπελθόντος μονωθεὶς ἔπεισε τοὺς Θηβαίους συμμαχίαν αὐτῷ πέμψαι. οἱ δὲ Παμμένη στρατηγὸν ἑλόμενοι καὶ δόντες αὐτῷ στρατιώτας πεντακισχιλίους ἐξέπεμψαν 2εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν. ὁ δὲ Παμμένης βοηθήσας Ἀρταβάζῳ καὶ τοὺς σατράπας μεγάλαις μάχαις δυσὶ νικήσας περιεποιήσατο μεγάλην δόξαν ἑαυτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς. ἐφάνη γὰρ θαυμαστὸν εἰ Βοιωτοὶ τῶν μὲν Θετταλῶν ἐγκαταλελοιπότων, τοῦ δὲ Φωκικοῦ πολέμου μεγάλους ἐπιφέροντος κινδύνους διαποντίους δυνάμεις εἰς Ἀσίαν ἐξέπεμπον καὶ προετέρουν κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις.

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maintain the peace. In his dealings with the Phocians 353/2 b.c. also he arrested and executed those who opposed him and confiscated their property. After invading the territory of the enemy1 he took Thronion2 by storm and reduced its inhabitants to slavery, and having intimidated the Amphissans3 by threats he forced them to submit. He sacked the cities of the Dorians4 and ravaged their territory. He invaded Boeotia, captured Orchomenus, then, having attempted to reduce Chaeroneia by siege and being defeated by the Thebans, he returned to his own territory.

34. While these things were going on, Artabazus, who had revolted from the Persian King, continued the war against the satraps who had been dispatched by the King to take part in the war against him. At first when Chares the Athenian general was fighting with him, Artabazus resisted the satraps courageously, but when Chares5 had gone and he was left alone he induced the Thebans to send him an auxiliary force. Choosing Pammenes6 as general and giving him five thousand soldiers, they dispatched him to Asia. Pammenes, by the support he gave to Artabazus and by defeating the satraps in two great battles, won great glory for himself and the Boeotians. Now it seemed an amazing thing that the Boeotians,- after the Thessalians had left them in the lurch, and when the war with the Phocians was threatening them with serious dangers, should be sending armies across the sea into Asia and for the most part proving successful in the battles.

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3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις συνέστη πόλεμος Ἀργείοις πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ γενομένης μάχης περὶ πόλιν Ὀρνεὰς ἐνίκων οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ τὰς Ὀρνεὰς ἐκπολιορκήσαντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην. Χάρης δὲ ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγὸς εἰσπλεύσας εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον καὶ Σηστὸν πόλιν ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν ἡβῶντας ἀπέσφαξεν, τοὺς δ᾿ 4ἄλλους ἐξηνδραποδίσατο. Κερσοβλέπτου δὲ τοῦ Κότυος διά τε τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον ἀλλοτριότητα καὶ τὴν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους φιλίαν ἐγχειρίσαντος τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τὰς ἐν Χερρονήσῳ πόλεις πλὴν Καρδίας ἀπέστειλεν ὁ δῆμος κληρούχους εἰς τὰς πόλεις. Φίλιππος δ᾿ ὁρῶν τοὺς Μεθωναίους ὁρμητήριον παρεχομένους τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἑαυτοῦ 5πολιορκίαν συνεστήσατο. καὶ μέχρι μέν τινος οἱ Μεθωναῖοι διεκαρτέρουν, ἔπειτα κατισχυόμενοι συνηναγκάσθησαν παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν τῷ βασιλεῖ ὥστε ἀπελθεῖν τοὺς πολίτας ἐκ τῆς Μεθώνης ἔχοντας ἓν ἱμάτιον ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος τὴν μὲν πόλιν κατέσκαψε τὴν δὲ χώραν διένειμε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν. ἐν δὲ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ ταύτῃ συνέβη τὸν Φίλιππον εἰς τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν πληγέντα τοξεύματι διαφθαρῆναι τὴν ὅρασιν.

35. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦθ᾿ ὁ Φίλιππος ὑπὸ Θετταλῶν μετακληθεὶς ἧκεν εἰς Θετταλίαν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρὸς Λυκόφρονα τὸν Φερῶν τύραννον διεπολέμει βοηθῶν τοῖς Θετταλοῖς·

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While these things were going on, war broke out 353/2 b.c. between the Argives and the Lacedaemonians, and in a battle that took place near the city of Orneae1 the Lacedaemonians won, and after they had taken Orneae by siege, returned to Sparta. Chares the Athenian general sailed to the Hellespont, captured Sestus, slew its adult inhabitants, and enslaved the rest. And when Cersobleptes,2 son of Cotys, because of his hostility to Philip and his alliance of friendship with the Athenians, had turned over to the Athenians the cities on the Chersonese except Cardia, the assembly sent out colonists3 to these cities. Philip, perceiving that the people of Methonê were permitting their city to become a base of operations for his enemies, began a siege. And although for a time the people of Methonê held out, later, being overpowered, they were compelled to hand the city over to the king on the terms that the citizens should leave Methonê with a single garment each. Philip then razed the city and distributed its territory among the Macedonians.4 In this siege it so happened that Philip was struck in the eye by an arrow and lost the sight of that eye.

35. After this Philip in response to a summons from the Thessalians entered Thessaly with his army, and at first carried on a war against Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae,5 in support of the Thessalians6; but later,

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μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Λυκόφρονος μεταπεμψαμένου παρὰ τῶν Φωκέων συμμαχίαν ἀπεστάλη Φάυλλος ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ὀνομάρχου μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἑπτακισχιλίων. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος τοὺς Φωκεῖς νικήσας 2ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς Θετταλίας. Ὀνόμαρχος δ᾿ ἀναλαβὼν πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν καὶ νομίζων ὅλης τῆς Θετταλίας κυριεύσειν ἧκεν ἐν τάχει βοηθήσων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λυκόφρονα. τοῦ δὲ Φιλίππου μετὰ τῶν Θετταλῶν ἀντιπαραταξαμένου τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν Ὀνόμαρχος ὑπερέχων τοῖς πλήθεσι δυσὶ μάχαις ἐνίκησε καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνεῖλεν. Φίλιππος δ᾿ εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους κινδύνους περικλεισθεὶς καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν διὰ τὴν ἀθυμίαν καταλιπόντων αὐτὸν παραθαρσύνας τὸ πλῆθος μόγις ἐποίησεν αὐτοὺς 3εὐπειθεῖς. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Φίλιππος μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, Ὀνόμαρχος δὲ στρατεύσας εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐνίκησε μάχῃ τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς καὶ πόλιν εἷλε Κορώνειαν. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Θετταλίαν Φίλιππος μὲν ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἄρτι κατηντηκὼς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Λυκόφρονα 4τὸν Φερῶν τύραννον. οὗτος δ᾿ οὐκ ὢν ἀξιόμαχος μετεπέμψατο συμμαχίαν παρὰ Φωκέων, ἐπαγγελλόμενος συγκατασκευάσειν αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Θετταλίαν. διόπερ Ὀνομάρχου σπουδῇ1 βοηθήσαντος μετὰ πεζῶν δισμυρίων καὶ πεντακοσίων ἱππέων ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος πείσας τοὺς Θετταλοὺς κοινῇ τὸν πόλεμον ἄρασθαι συνήγαγε τοὺς πάντας πεζοὺς μὲν ὑπὲρ τοὺς δισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τρισχιλίους. 5γενομένης δὲ παρατάξεως ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ τῶν Θετταλῶν ἱππέων τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς ἀρεταῖς

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when Lycophron summoned an auxiliary force from 353/2 b.c. his allies the Phocians, Phaÿllus, the brother of Onomarchus, was dispatched with seven thousand men. But Philip defeated the Phocians and drove them out of Thessaly. Then Onomarchus came in haste with his entire military strength to the support of Lycophron, believing that he would dominate all Thessaly. When Philip in company with the Thessalians joined battle against the Phocians, Onomarchus with his superior numbers defeated him in two battles and slew many of the Macedonians. As for Philip, he was reduced to the uttermost perils and his soldiers were so despondent that they had deserted him, but by arousing the courage of the majority, he got them with great difficulty to obey his orders. Later Philip withdrew to Macedonia, and Onomarchus, marching into Boeotia, defeated the Boeotians in battle1 and took the city of Coroneia. As for Thessaly, however, Philip had just at that time returned with his army from Macedonia2 and had taken the field against Lycophron, tyrant of Pherae. Lycophron, however, since he was no match for him in strength, summoned reinforcements from his allies the Phocians, promising jointly with them to organize the government of all Thessaly. So when Onomarchus in haste came to his support with twenty thousand foot and five hundred horse, Philip, having persuaded the Thessalians to prosecute the war in common, gathered them all together, numbering more than twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse. A severe battle took place and since the Thessalian cavalry were

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διαφερόντων ἐνίκησεν ὁ Φίλιππος. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ὀνόμαρχον καταφυγόντων εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καὶ τυχικῶς παραπλέοντος τοῦ Ἀθηναίου Χάρητος μετὰ πολλῶν τριήρων πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος τῶν Φωκέων· οἱ γὰρ φεύγοντες ῥίψαντες τὰς πανοπλίας διενήχοντο πρὸς τὰς τριήρεις, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς 6Ὀνόμαρχος. τέλος δὲ τῶν Φωκέων καὶ μισθοφόρων ἀνῃρέθησαν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ στρατηγός,1 ἥλωσαν δὲ οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν τρισχιλίων. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος τὸν μὲν Ὀνόμαρχον ἐκρέμασε, τοὺς δ᾿ ἄλλους ὡς ἱεροσύλους κατεπόντισεν.

36. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ὀνομάρχου τελευτὴν διεδέξατο τὴν Φωκέων ἡγεμονίαν ὁ ἀδελφὸς Φάυλλος. οὗτος δὲ τὴν γεγενημένην συμφορὰν διορθούμενος μισθοφόρων τε πλῆθος ἤθροιζε, διπλασιάσας τοὺς εἰωθότας μισθούς, καὶ παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων βοήθειαν μετεπέμψατο· κατεσκευάζετο δὲ καὶ ὅπλων πλῆθος καὶ νόμισμα κατέκοψε χρυσοῦν τε καὶ ἀργυροῦν.

2Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Μαύσωλος ὁ Καρίας δυνάστης ἐτελεύτησεν ἄρξας ἔτη εἴκοσι τέσσαρα, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν διαδεξαμένη Ἀρτεμισία ἡ ἀδελφὴ 3καὶ γυνὴ ἐδυνάστευσεν ἔτη δύο. Κλέαρχος δ᾿ ὁ Ἡρακλείας τύραννος Διονυσίων ὄντων ἐπὶ θέαν βαδίζων ἀνῃρέθη, ἄρξας ἔτη δεκαδύο2· τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν

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superior in numbers and valour, Philip won. Because 353/2 b.c. Onomarchus had fled toward the sea and Chares the Athenian was by chance sailing by1 with many triremes, a great slaughter of the Phocians took place, for the men in their effort to escape would strip off their armour and try to swim out to the triremes, and among them was Onomarchus. Finally more than six thousand of the Phocians and mercenaries were slain, and among them the general himself; and no less than three thousand were taken captives. Philip hanged Onomarchus2; the rest he threw into the sea as temple-robbers.

36. After the death of Onomarchus his brother Phaÿllus succeeded to the command of the Phocians. In an attempt to retrieve the disaster, he began to gather a multitude of mercenaries, offering double the customary pay, and summoned help from his allies. He got ready also a large supply of arms and coined gold and silver money.

About the same time Mausolus, the tyrant of Caria,3 died after ruling twenty-four years, and Artemisia, his sister and wife, succeeded to the throne and reigned for two years. Clearchus, the tyrant of Heracleia,4 was slain during the festival of Dionysus as he went to witness the spectacle, after ruling twelve years, and

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διαδεξάμενος ὁ υἱὸς Τιμόθεος ἦρξεν ἔτη πεντεκαίδεκα. 4Τυρρηνοὶ δὲ διαπολεμοῦντες Ῥωμαίοις ἐπόρθησαν πολλὴν τῆς πολεμίας χώρας καὶ μέχρι τοῦ Τιβέρεως καταδραμόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν 5οἰκείαν. ἐν δὲ ταῖς Συρακούσσαις στάσεως γενομένης τοῖς Δίωνος φίλοις πρὸς Κάλλιππον οἱ μὲν τοῦ Δίωνος φίλοι ἡττηθέντες ἔφυγον εἰς τοὺς Λεοντίνους· μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον Ἱππαρίνου τοῦ Διονυσίου καταπλεύσαντος εἰς τὰς Συρακούσσας μετὰ δυνάμεως ὁ μὲν Κάλλιππος ἡττηθεὶς ἐξέπεσεν τῆς πόλεως, Ἱππαρῖνος δὲ ἀνακτησάμενος τὴν πατρῴαν δυναστείαν ἦρξεν ἔτη δύο.

37. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀριστοδήμου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Γάιον Σολπίκιον καὶ Μάρκον Οὐαλέριον, ὀλυμπιὰς δ᾿ ἤχθη ἑβδόμη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Μικρίνας Ταραντῖνος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Φάυλλος μὲν ὁ Φωκέων στρατηγὸς μετὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τελευτήν τε καὶ ἧτταν προσανέλαβε τὰ τῶν Φωκέων πράγματα τεταπεινωμένα διά τε τὴν ἧτταν καὶ τὴν φθορὰν τῶν 2στρατιωτῶν. ἔχων γὰρ χρημάτων πλῆθος ἀνέκλειπτον πολλοὺς μὲν μισθοφόρους ἤθροισεν, οὐκ ὀλίγους δὲ συμμάχους ἔπεισε συνεπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ πολέμου. τῇ γὰρ ἀφθονίᾳ τῶν χρημάτων ἀνέδην χρώμενος οὐ μόνον ἰδιώτας πολλοὺς ἔσχε προθύμους συναγωνιστάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας 3ἐπεσπάσατο πρὸς τὴν κοινοπραγίαν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν γὰρ ἀπέστειλαν αὐτῷ στρατιώτας χιλίους, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ δισχιλίους, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ πεζοὺς

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his son Timotheüs1 succeeded to the throne and ruled 353/2 b.c. for fifteen years. The Etruscans,2 continuing their war with the Romans, sacked much of the enemy territory and after marauding as far as the Tiber returned to their own country. In Syracuse, civil strife having broken out between the friends of Dion and Callippus,3 Dion’s friends were defeated, fled to Leontini, and, after a short time, when Hipparinus son of Dionysius4 had put ashore at Syracuse with troops, Callippus was defeated and driven from the city, and Hipparinus, having recovered his father’s realm, ruled for two years.

37. When Aristodemus was archon at Athens, the 352/1 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Valerius, and the one hundred seventh celebration of the Olympian games was held, in which Micrinas of Tarentum won the stadion race. During their term of office Phaÿlius, the general of the Phocians after the death and defeat of his brother, effected another revival of the affairs of the Phocians, then at a low ebb on account of the defeat and slaughter of their soldiers. For since he had an inexhaustible supply of money he gathered a large body of mercenaries, and persuaded not a few allies to co-operate in renewing the war. In fact, by making lavish use of his abundance of money he not only procured many individuals as enthusiastic helpers, but also lured the most renowned cities into joining his enterprise. The Lacedaemonians, for example, sent him a thousand soldiers, the Achaeans two thousand, the Athenians five thousand foot and

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μὲν πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τετρακοσίους, ὧν ἦν στρατηγὸς Ναυσικλῆς. οἱ δὲ τῶν Φεραίων τύραννοι Λυκόφρων καὶ Πειθόλαος μετὰ τὴν Ὀνομάρχου τελευτὴν ἔρημοι συμμάχων ὄντες τὰς μὲν Φερὰς παρέδοσαν τῷ Φιλίππῳ, αὐτοὶ δ᾿ ὑπόσπονδοι γενόμενοι συνήγαγον τοὺς μισθοφόρους ὄντας δισχιλίους καὶ μετὰ τούτων φυγόντες πρὸς 4Φάυλλον συνεμάχουν τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν. ἐβοήθησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐλαττόνων πόλεων οὐκ ὀλίγαι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν διαδιδομένων χρημάτων· ὁ γὰρ χρυσὸς τὰς πλεονεξίας τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐκκαλούμενος ἠνάγκασεν αὐτομολεῖν πρὸς τὴν 5ἐκ τοῦ κέρδους λυσιτέλειαν. ὁ δ᾿ οὖν Φάυλλος μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐστράτευσεν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν καὶ περὶ πόλιν Ὀρχομενὸν ἡττηθεὶς μάχῃ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπέβαλεν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἄλλης γενομένης μάχης παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν ποταμὸν ἐνίκησαν πάλιν Βοιωτοὶ καὶ ἀνεῖλον τῶν πολεμίων ὑπὲρ τοὺς πεντακοσίους,1 ἐζώγρησαν δὲ οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν 6τετρακοσίων.2 ὀλίγαις δ᾿ ὕστερον ἡμέραις γενομένης μάχης περὶ Κορώνειαν ἐνίκησαν οἱ Βοιωτοὶ καὶ πεντήκοντα μὲν ἀνεῖλον τῶν Φωκέων, ἑκατὸν δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα ἐζώγρησαν.

Ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰ περὶ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκεῖς διεληλυθότες ἐπάνιμεν ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον.

38. Οὗτος γὰρ νικήσας τὸν Ὀνόμαρχον ἐπιφανεῖ παρατάξει τήν τ᾿ ἐν Φεραῖς τυραννίδα καθεῖλε καὶ τῇ πόλει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀποδοὺς καὶ τἄλλα τὰ κατὰ τὴν Θετταλίαν καταστήσας προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὰς 2Πύλας πολεμήσων τοῖς Φωκεῦσι. κωλυσάντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων διελθεῖν τὰς παρόδους ἐπανῆλθεν

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four hundred horse with Nausicles as their general. 352/1 b.c. The tyrants of Pherae, Lycophron and Peitholaüs,1 who were destitute of allies after the death of Onomarehus, gave Pherae over to Philip, while they themselves, being protected by terms of truce, brought together their mercenaries to the number of two thousand, and, having fled with these to Phaÿllus, joined the Phocians as allies. Not a few of the lesser cities as well actively supported the Phocians because of the abundance of money that had been distributed; for gold that incites man’s covetousness compelled them to desert to the side which would enable them to profit from their gains. Phaÿllus accordingly with his army carried the campaign into Boeotia, and, suffering defeat near the city of Orchomenus, lost a great number of men. Later in another battle that took place by the Cephisus River the Boeotians won again and slew over five hundred of the enemy and took no fewer than four hundred prisoners. A few days later, in a battle that took place near Coroneia, the Boeotians were victorious and slew fifty of the Phocians, and took one hundred thirty prisoners.

Now that we have recounted the affairs of the Boeotians and Phocians we shall return to Philip.

38. Philip, after his defeat of Onomarchus2 in a noteworthy battle, put an end to the tyranny in Pherae,3 and, after restoring its freedom to the city and settling all other matters in Thessaly, advanced to Thermopylae, intending to make war on the Phocians. But since the Athenians prevented him from penetrating the pass,4 he returned to Macedonia, having

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εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ηὐξηκὼς ἑαυτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ταῖς τε πράξεσι καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ. 3Φάυλλος δὲ στρατεύσας εἰς Λοκροὺς τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους1 Ἐπικνημιδίους τὰς μὲν ἄλλας πόλεις ἐχειρώσατο πάσας, μίαν δὲ τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Νάρυκα2 διὰ προδοσίας νυκτὸς παραλαβὼν πάλιν ἐξέπεσε καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπέβαλεν οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν 4διακοσίων. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα στρατοπεδεύοντος αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰς ὀνομαζομένας Ἄβας οἱ Βοιωτοὶ νυκτὸς ἐπιθέμενοι τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἀνεῖλον αὐτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους· ἐπαρθέντες δὲ τῷ προτερήματι παρῆλθον εἰς τὴν τῶν Φωκέων χώραν καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῆς πορθήσαντες 5ἤθροισαν λαφύρων πλῆθος. ἐπανιόντων δ᾿ αὐτῶν καὶ τῇ Ναρυκαίων3 πόλει πολιορκουμένῃ βοηθούντων ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ Φάυλλος τούτους μὲν ἐτρέψατο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος διήρπασε 6καὶ κατέσκαψεν. αὐτὸς δὲ περιπεσὼν νόσῳ φθινάδι καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀρρωστήσας ἐπιπόνως καὶ τῆς ἀσεβείας οἰκείως κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον, καταλιπὼν τῶν Φωκέων στρατηγὸν Φάλαικον τὸν Ὀνομάρχου υἱὸν τοῦ τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον ἐκκαύσαντος, ἀντίπαιδα τὴν ἡλικίαν ὄντα· παρακατέστησε δ᾿ αὐτῷ ἐπίτροπον ἅμα καὶ στρατηγὸν Μνασέαν, ἕνα τῶν 7ἑαυτοῦ φίλων. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα οἱ Βοιωτοὶ νυκτὸς ἐπιθέμενοι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι τόν τε στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν Μνασέαν ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν εἰς διακοσίους. μετ᾿ ὀλίγον δ᾿ ἱππομαχίας γενομένης

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enlarged his kingdom not only by his achievements 352/1 b.c. but also by his reverence toward the god. Phaÿllus, having made a campaign into the Locris known as Epicnemidian, succeeded in capturing all the cities but one named Naryx, which he had taken by treachery at night but from which he was expelled again with the loss of two hundred of his men. Later as he was encamped near a place called Abae,1 the Boeotians attacked the Phocians at night and slew a great number of them; then, elated by their success, they passed into Phocian territory, and, by pillaging a great portion of it, gathered a quantity of booty. As they were on their way back and were assisting the city of the Narycaeans, which was under siege, Phaÿllus suddenly appeared, put the Boeotians to flight, and having taken the city by storm, plundered and razed it. But Phaÿllus himself, falling sick2 of a wasting disease, after a long illness, suffering great pain as befitted his impious life, died, leaving Phalaecus, son of the Onomarchus3 who had kindled4 the Sacred War, as general of the Phocians, a stripling in years, at whose side he had placed as guardian and supporting general Mnaseas, one of his own friends. After this in a night attack upon the Phocians the Boeotians slew their general Mnaseas and about two hundred of his men. A short while later in a cavalry battle which

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περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ὁ Φάλαικος ἡττηθεὶς ἀπέβαλε τῶν ἱππέων οὐκ ὀλίγους.

39. Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐγένοντο ταραχαὶ καὶ κινήσεις διὰ τοιαύτας τινὰς αἰτίας. Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς Μεγαλοπολίτας διαφερόμενοι τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν κατέδραμον Ἀρχιδάμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντος· οἱ δὲ Μεγαλοπολῖται παροξυνθέντες ἐπὶ τοῖς πραχθεῖσι καὶ καθ᾿ ἑαυτοὺς οὐκ ὄντες ἀξιόμαχοι παρὰ τῶν 2συμμάχων μετεπέμψαντο βοήθειαν. Ἀργεῖοι μὲν οὖν καὶ Σικυώνιοι καὶ Μεσσήνιοι πανδημεὶ κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθησαν, Θηβαῖοι δ᾿ ἀπέστειλαν πεζοὺς μὲν τετρακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους, στρατηγὸν 3ἐπιστήσαντες Κηφισίωνα. Μεγαλοπολῖται μὲν οὖν μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἐκστρατεύσαντες κατεστρατοπέδευσαν περὶ τὰς πηγὰς τοῦ Ἀλφειοῦ ποταμοῦ· οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τρισχιλίους μὲν πεζοὺς παρὰ Φωκέων προσελάβοντο ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα παρὰ Λυκόφρονος καὶ Πειθολάου τῶν ἐκπεπτωκότων ἐκ τῆς ἐν Φεραῖς τυραννίδος· συστησάμενοι δὲ δύναμιν ἀξιόμαχον κατεστρατοπέδευσαν 4περὶ Μαντίνειαν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπὶ πόλιν Ὀρνεὰς τῆς Ἀργείας καταντήσαντες ἔφθασαν αὐτὴν ἐκπολιορκήσαντες πρὸ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων παρουσίας, οὖσαν σύμμαχον τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν. ἐπεξελθόντων δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων συνάψαντες μάχην ἐνίκησαν καὶ πλείους τῶν διακοσίων ἀπέκτειναν. 5τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων ἐπιφανέντων καὶ τῷ μὲν πλήθει διπλασίων ὄντων ταῖς δ᾿ εὐταξίαις λειπομένων συνέστη μάχη καρτερά· καὶ τῆς νίκης ἀμφιδόξου γενομένης οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι τὴν εἰς

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took place near Chaeroneia, Phalaecus was defeated 352/1 b.c. and lost a large number of his cavalry.

39. While these things were going on, throughout the Peloponnese also disturbances and disorders had occurred for the following reasons. The Lacedaemonians, being at variance with the Megalopolitans, overran their country with Archidamus in command, and the Megalopolitans,1 incensed over their actions but not strong enough to fight by themselves, summoned aid from their allies. Now the Argives, Sicyonians, and Messenians in full force and with all speed came to their assistance; and the Thebans dispatched four thousand foot and five hundred horse with Cephision placed in charge as general. The Megalopolitans accordingly, having taken the field with their allies, encamped near the headwaters of the Alpheius River, while the Lacedaemonians were reinforced by three thousand foot-soldiers from the Phocians and one hundred fifty cavalry from Lycophron and Peitholaüs, the exiled tyrants of Pherae, and, having mustered an army capable of doing battle, encamped by Mantineia. Then having advanced to the Argive city of Orneae,2 they captured it before the arrival of the enemy, for it was an ally of the Megalopolitans. When the Argives took the field against them, they joined battle and defeated them and slew more than two hundred. Then the Thebans appeared, and since they were in number twice as many though inferior in discipline, a stubborn battle was engaged; and as the victory hung in doubt, the Argives and their allies withdrew

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τὰς οἰκείας πόλεις ἐπάνοδον ἐποιήσαντο, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ᾿ εἰς τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν ἐμβαλόντες καὶ πόλιν Ἑλισσοῦντα κατὰ κράτος ἑλόντες καὶ διαρπάσαντες 6ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην. μετὰ δὲ τινα χρόνον οἱ Θηβαῖοι μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἐνίκησαν τοὺς πολεμίους περὶ Τέλφουσαν καὶ συχνοὺς ἀνελόντες ἐζώγρησαν Ἀνάξανδρόν τε τὸν ἡγούμενον καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλείους τῶν ἑξήκοντα. μετ᾿ ὀλίγον δὲ χρόνον ἄλλαις δυσὶ μάχαις προετέρησαν καὶ τῶν 7ἐναντίων οὐκ ὀλίγους κατέβαλον. τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀξιολόγῳ μάχῃ νικησάντων, αἱ δυνάμεις ἀμφοτέρων εἰς τὰς οἰκείας πόλεις ἐπανῆλθον. ἔπειτα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ποιησαμένων ἀνοχὰς πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας ἐπανῆλθον 8εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι. Φάλαικος δὲ περὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν διατρίβων Χαιρώνειαν εἷλε καὶ τῶν Θηβαίων ἐπιβοηθησάντων ἐξέπεσεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. ἔπειθ᾿ οἱ μὲν Βοιωτοὶ πολλῇ δυνάμει στρατεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Φωκίδα τὴν πλείστην αὐτῆς ἐπόρθησαν καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν χώραν κτήσεις ἐδῄωσαν· ἔνια δὲ καὶ τῶν μικρῶν πολισμάτων ἑλόντες καὶ λαφύρων πλῆθος ἀθροίσαντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν.

40. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Θεέλλου1 Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Φάβιον καὶ Τίτον Κοΐντιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Θηβαῖοι κάμνοντες τῷ πρὸς Φωκεῖς πολέμῳ καὶ χρημάτων ἀπορούμενοι πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψαν πρὸς τὸν τῶν Περσῶν βασιλέα παρακαλοῦντες εἰσευπορῆσαι τῇ πόλει χρήματα·

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to their own cities, while the Lacedaemonians, after invading 352/1 b.c. Arcadia and taking the city Helissus1 by storm and plundering it, returned to Sparta. Some time after this the Thebans with their allies conquered the enemy near Telphusa1 and after slaying many took captive Anaxander, who was in command, along with more than sixty others. A short time later they had the advantage in two other battles and felled a considerable number of their opponents. Finally, when the Lacedaemonians proved victorious in an important battle, the armies on both sides withdrew to their own cities. Then when the Lacedaemonians made an armistice with the Megalopolitans the Thebans went back to Boeotia. But Phalaecus, who was lingering in Boeotia, seized Chaeroneia and when the Thebans came to its rescue, was expelled from that city. Then the Boeotians, who now with a large army invaded Phocis, sacked the greater portion of it and plundered the farms throughout the countryside; and having taken also some of the small towns and gathered an abundance of booty, they returned to Boeotia.

40. When Theellus was archon in Athens, the 351/0 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Titus Quintius. During their term of office the Thebans, growing weary of the war against the Phocians and finding themselves short of funds, sent ambassadors to the King of the Persians urging him to furnish the

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2ὁ δ᾿ Ἀρταξέρξης προθύμως ὑπακούσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς δωρεὰν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα τριακόσια. τοῖς δὲ Βοιωτοῖς καὶ τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἀκροβολισμοὶ μὲν καὶ χώρας καταδρομαὶ συνέστησαν, πράξεις δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἄξιαι μνήμης οὐ συνετελέσθησαν.

3Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀσίαν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Περσῶν ἐν μὲν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις στρατεύσας ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον πολλοῖς πλήθεσι στρατιωτῶν ἀπέτυχε, κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς πάλιν ἐπολέμησε τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις καὶ πράξεις ἀξιολόγους κατεργασάμενος διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἐνεργείας τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀνεκτήσατο 4καὶ Φοινίκην καὶ Κύπρον. ἵνα δὲ σαφῆ τὴν περὶ τούτων ἱστορίαν ποιήσωμεν τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου προεκθησόμεθα μικρὸν ἀναλαβόντες τοὺς οἰκείους χρόνους. τῶν γὰρ Αἰγυπτίων ἀπὸ Περσῶν ἀποστάντων κατὰ τοὺς ἀνωτέρω χρόνους Ἀρταξέρξης ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Ὦχος αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ὢν φιλοπόλεμος ἐφ᾿ ἡσυχίας ἔμενεν, ἀποστέλλων δὲ δυνάμεις καὶ στρατηγοὺς πολλάκις ἀπετύγχανε διὰ τὴν κακίαν 5καὶ ἀπειρίαν τῶν ἡγεμόνων. διὸ καὶ καταφρονηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἠναγκάζετο καρτερεῖν διά τε τὴν ἀργίαν καὶ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰρηνικόν. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς τῶν Φοινίκων καὶ τῶν ἐν Κύπρῳ βασιλέων μιμησαμένων τοὺς

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city with a large sum of money. Artaxerxes, readily 351/0 b.c. acceding to the request, made a gift to them of three hundred talents of silver.1 Between the Boeotians and the Phocians skirmishes and raids on each other’s territory occurred but no actions worth mentioning took place during this year.

In Asia the King of the Persians, who had in the period treated above made an expedition into Egypt with vast multitudes of soldiers and was unsuccessful, in the period with which we are now dealing again made war on the Egyptians and, after carrying out some remarkable feats by his own forceful activity, regained possession of Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus.2 To make clear the history of these events I shall set forth first the causes of the war by reviewing again briefly the period to which these events properly belong. We recall that, when the Egyptians revolted from the Persians in the earlier period, Artaxerxes, known as Ochus,3 himself unwarlike, remained inactive, and though he sent out armies and generals many times, failed in his attempts because of the cowardice and inexperience of the leaders. And so, though regarded with contempt by the Egyptians, he was compelled to be patient because of his own inertia and peace-loving nature. But in the period now under discussion, when the Phoenicians and the kings in Cyprus had imitated the Egyptians and in contemptuous

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Αἰγυπτίους καὶ διὰ τὴν καταφρόνησιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ὁρμησάντων παροξυνθεὶς ἔκρινε πολεμεῖν 6τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας. τὸ μὲν οὖν στρατηγοὺς ἐκπέμπειν ἀπεδοκίμασε, δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ δὲ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλείας ἀγῶνας ποιήσασθαι διέγνω. διόπερ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν καὶ σίτου καὶ δυνάμεων μεγάλας παρασκευὰς ποιησάμενος ἤθροισε πεζῶν μὲν τριάκοντα μυριάδας, ἱππέων δὲ τρεῖς, τριήρεις δὲ τριακοσίας, φορτηγοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς τὴν ἀγορὰν κομιζούσας πεντακοσίας.

41. Ἤρξατο δὲ καὶ πρὸς Φοίνικας πολεμεῖν διὰ τοιαύτας τινὰς αἰτίας. κατὰ τὴν Φοινίκην ἐστὶ πόλις ἀξιόλογος ὀνόματι Τρίπολις, οἰκείαν ἔχουσα τῇ φύσει τὴν προσηγορίαν· τρεῖς γάρ εἰσιν ἐν αὐτῇ πόλεις σταδιαῖον ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων ἔχουσαι διάστημα· ἐπικαλεῖται δὲ τούτων ἡ μὲν Ἀραδίων, ἡ δὲ Σιδωνίων, ἡ δὲ Τυρίων. ἀξίωμα δ᾿ ἔχει μέγιστον αὕτη τῶν κατὰ τὴν Φοινίκην πόλεων, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινεν τοὺς Φοίνικας συνέδριον ἔχειν καὶ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ 2τῶν μεγίστων. τῶν δὲ σατραπῶν καὶ στρατηγῶν ἐν τῇ Σιδωνίων διατριβόντων καὶ κατὰ τὰς τῶν πραγμάτων1 ἐπιταγὰς ὑβριστικῶς καὶ ὑπερηφάνως προσφερομένων τοῖς Σιδωνίοις οἱ κακούμενοι τὴν ἐπήρειαν χαλεπῶς φέροντες ἔγνωσαν ἀποστῆναι 3τῶν Περσῶν. πείσαντες δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Φοίνικας τῆς αὐτονομίας ἀντέχεσθαι διεπρεσβεύσαντο πρὸς τὸν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα Νεκτανεβώ, πολέμιον ὄντα Περσῶν, καὶ πείσαντες παραλαβεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν παρεσκευάζοντο τὰ 4πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. τῆς δὲ Σιδῶνος εὐδαιμονίᾳ διαφερούσης καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν διὰ τὰς ἐμπορίας μεγάλους

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disregard of him made a move to revolt, he 351/0 b.c. became enraged and decided to make war upon the insurgents. So he rejected the practice of sending out generals, and adopted the plan of carrying out in person the struggles to preserve his kingdom. Wherefore, having made great provision of arms, missiles, food, and forces, he assembled three hundred thousand foot-soldiers, thirty thousand horsemen, three hundred triremes, and five hundred merchantmen and other ships to carry the supplies.

41. He began to make war also on the Phoenicians for the following reasons. In Phoenicia there is an important city called Tripolis, whose name is appropriate to its nature, for there are in it three cities, at a distance of a stade from one another, and the names by which these are called are the city of the Aradians, of the Sidonians, and of the Tyrians. This city enjoys the highest repute amongst the cities of Phoenicia, for there, as it happens, the Phoenicians held their common council and deliberated on matters of supreme importance. Now since the King’s satraps and generals dwelt in the city of the Sidonians and behaved in an outrageous and high-handed fashion toward the Sidonians in ordering things to be done, the victims of this treatment, aggrieved by their insolence, decided to revolt from the Persians. Having persuaded the rest of the Phoenicians to make a bid for their independence,1 they sent ambassadors to the Egyptian king Nectanebos, who was an enemy of the Persians, and after persuading him to accept them as allies they began to make preparations for the war. Inasmuch as Sidon was distinguished for its wealth and its private citizens

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περιπεποιημένων πλούτους ταχὺ τριήρεις τε πολλαὶ κατεσκευάσθησαν καὶ μισθοφόρων πλῆθος ἠθροίσθη, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ σῖτος καὶ τἄλλα πάντα τὰ πρὸς πόλεμον χρήσιμα συντόμως 5κατεσκευάσθη. κατάρχοντες δὲ τῆς ἔχθρας τὸν μὲν βασιλικὸν παράδεισον ἐν ᾧ τὰς καταλύσεις οἱ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεῖς εἰώθεισαν ποιεῖσθαι, δενδροτομήσαντες διέφθειραν· ἔπειτα τὸν ἠθροισμένον ὑπὸ τῶν σατραπῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς ἵπποις χόρτον ἐνέπρησαν, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον τοὺς τὰς ὕβρεις ἐπιτελεσαμένους Πέρσας συλλαβόντες ἐτιμωρήσαντο. 6τοῦ δὲ πολέμου τοῦ1 πρὸς τοὺς Φοίνικας ταύτην τὴν καταρχὴν λαβόντος ὁ βασιλεὺς πυθόμενος τὰ τετολμημένα τοῖς ἀποστάταις πᾶσι μὲν τοῖς Φοίνιξιν ἠπείλει, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς Σιδωνίοις.

42. Ἐν δὲ τῇ Βαβυλῶνι συνηθροικὼς τὰς πεζικὰς καὶ ἱππικὰς δυνάμεις εὐθὺς ἀναλαβὼν προῆγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας· ἐν ὅσῳ δ᾿ οὗτος κατὰ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν ἐβάδιζε, Βέλεσυς ὁ τῆς Συρίας σατράπης καὶ Μαζαῖος ὁ τῆς Κιλικίας ἄρχων συνελθόντες 2ἐπολέμουν τοὺς Φοίνικας. Τέννης δ᾿ ὁ τῆς Σιδῶνος βασιλεὺς προσελάβετο παρ᾿ Αἰγυπτίων στρατιώτας μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας τετρακισχιλίους, ὧν ἦν στρατηγὸς Μέντωρ ὁ Ῥόδιος. μετὰ δὲ τούτων καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν στρατιωτῶν τοῖς προειρημένοις σατράπαις συμβαλὼν ἐνίκησεν καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς Φοινίκης.

3Ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον συνέστη πόλεμος, συμπεπλεγμένας ἔχων τὰς 4πράξεις τῷ ὑποκειμένῳ πολέμῳ. ἐν γὰρ τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ πόλεις ἦσαν ἀξιόλογοι μὲν ἐννέα, ὑπὸ δὲ ταύτας ὑπῆρχε τεταγμένα μικρὰ πολίσματα τὰ

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had amassed great riches from its shipping, many 351/0 b.c. triremes were quickly outfitted and a multitude of mercenaries gathered, and, besides, arms, missiles, food, and all other materials useful in war were provided with dispatch. The first hostile act was the cutting down and destroying of the royal park in which the Persian Kings were wont to take their recreation; the second was the burning of the fodder for the horses which had been stored up by the satraps for the war; last of all they arrested such Persians as had committed the acts of insolence and wreaked vengeance upon them. Such was the beginning of the war with the Phoenicians, and Artaxerxes, being apprised of the rash acts of the insurgents, issued threatening warnings to all the Phoenicians and in particular to the people of Sidon.

42. In Babylon the King, after assembling his infantry and cavalry forces, immediately assumed command of them and advanced against the Phoenicians. While he was still on the way, Belesys, the satrap of Syria, and Mazaeus, the governor of Cilicia, having joined forces, opened the war against the Phoenicians. Tennes, the king of Sidon, acquired from the Egyptians four thousand Greek mercenary soldiers whose general was Mentor the Rhodian. With these and the citizen soldiery he engaged the aforementioned satraps, defeated them, and drove the enemy out of Phoenicia.

While these things were going on, a war broke out in Cyprus also, the actions in which were interwoven with the war we have just mentioned. For in this island were nine populous cities, and under them were ranged the small towns which were suburbs of the

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προσκυροῦντα ταῖς ἐννέα πόλεσιν. ἑκάστη δὲ τούτων εἶχε βασιλέα τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἄρχοντα, τῷ δὲ 5βασιλεῖ τῶν Περσῶν ὑποτεταγμένον. οὗτοι πάντες συμφρονήσαντες καὶ μιμησάμενοι τοὺς Φοίνικας ἀπέστησαν καὶ παρασκευασάμενοι τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοκράτορας τὰς ἰδίας βασιλείας ἐποίησαν. 6ἐφ᾿ οἷς παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Ἀρταξέρξης ἔγραψε πρὸς τὸν Ἰδριέα1 τὸν τῆς Καρίας δυνάστην, ἄρτι μὲν παρειληφότα τὴν ἀρχήν, φίλον δ᾿ ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον Περσῶν ἐκ προγόνων, ἀθροῖσαι δύναμιν πεζικήν τε καὶ ναυτικὴν τὴν διαπολεμήσουσαν τοῖς 7ἐν Κύπρῳ βασιλεῦσιν. ὁ δ᾿ ὀξέως παρασκευασάμενος τριήρεις μὲν τεσσαράκοντα στρατιώτας δὲ μισθοφόρους ὀκτακισχιλίους ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Κύπρον, ἐπιστήσας στρατηγοὺς Φωκίωνα τὸν Ἀθηναῖον καὶ Εὐαγόραν τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις 8βεβασιλευκότα κατὰ τὴν νῆσον. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν καταπλεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Κύπρον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν μεγίστην τῶν πόλεων Σαλαμῖνα τὴν δύναμιν ἤγαγον. βαλόμενοι δὲ χάρακα καὶ τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὀχυρώσαντες ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς Σαλαμινίους κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν. τῆς δὲ νήσου πάσης ἐν εἰρήνῃ πολὺν χρόνον γενομένης καὶ τῆς χώρας εὐδαιμονούσης οἱ στρατιῶται κρατοῦντες τῶν ὑπαίθρων 9πολλὰς ὠφελείας ἤθροισαν. τῆς δὲ τούτων εὐπορίας διαβοηθείσης πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς περαίας Συρίας τε καὶ Κιλικίας συνέρρεον ἐθελοντὶ στρατιῶται πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ κέρδους. τέλος δὲ διπλασιασθείσης τῆς μετ᾿ Εὐαγόρου καὶ Φωκίωνος δυνάμεως οἱ βασιλεῖς οἱ κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον εἰς ἀγωνίαν καὶ μεγίστους φόβους ἐνέπιπτον.

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nine cities. Each of these cities had a king who 351/0 b.c. governed the city and was subject to the King of the Persians. All these kings in common agreement and in imitation of the Phoenicians revolted, and having made preparations for the war, declared their own kingdoms independent. Incensed at these actions, Artaxerxes wrote to Idrieus, despot of Caria, who had just acquired his office and was a friend and ally of the Persians by inheritance from his ancestors, to collect an infantry force and a navy to carry on a war with the kings in Cyprus. Idrieus, after making ready immediately forty triremes and eight thousand mercenary soldiers, sent them to Cyprus, having placed in command as their generals Phocion the Athenian and Evagoras, who had in the former period been king in the island.1 So these two, having sailed to Cyprus, at once led their army against Salamis, the largest of the cities. Having set up a palisade and fortified the encampment, they began to besiege the Salaminians by land and also by sea. Since all the island had enjoyed peace for a long time and the territory was wealthy, the soldiers, who had possession of the open country, gathered much booty. When word of their affluence got abroad, many soldiers from the opposite coast of Syria and Cilicia flocked over voluntarily in the hope of gain. Finally, after the army with Evagoras and Phocion had been doubled in size, the kings throughout Cyprus fell into a state of great anxiety and terror.

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Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

43. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦθ᾿ ὁ μὲν τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς Βαβυλῶνος τὴν ἀνάζευξιν ποιησάμενος μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φοινίκην· ὁ δὲ τῆς Σιδῶνος δυνάστης Τέννης1 πυνθανόμενος τὸ μέγεθος τῆς τῶν Περσῶν δυνάμεως καὶ νομίσας τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας οὐκ ἀξιομάχους εἶναι τὴν σωτηρίαν 2ἰδίᾳ πορίζειν ἔκρινεν. διόπερ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ θεραπόντων τὸν πιστότατον Θετταλίωνα λάθρᾳ τῶν Σιδωνίων ἐξέπεμψε πρὸς τὸν Ἀρταξέρξην ἐπαγγελλόμενος αὐτῷ τὴν μὲν Σιδῶνα παραδώσειν τὴν δ᾿ Αἴγυπτον συνεκπολεμήσειν, μεγάλα δ᾿ αὐτῷ συνεργήσειν ἔμπειρον ὄντα τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον τόπων καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον ἀποβάσεις ἀκριβῶς 3εἰδότα. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τοῦ Θετταλίωνος τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἥσθη διαφερόντως καὶ τῶν μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἐγκλημάτων ἀπολύσειν ἔφη τὸν Τέννην,2 πράξαντος δ᾿ αὐτοῦ τὰ καθωμολογημένα μεγάλας δωρεὰς δώσειν ἐπηγγείλατο. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Θετταλίωνος ὡς καὶ δεξιὰν λαβεῖν ὁ Τέννης3 ἠξίωσεν, ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ὀργισθεὶς ὡς οὐ πιστευόμενος παρέδωκε τὸν Θετταλίωνα τοὶς ὑπηρέταις καὶ προσέταξεν ἀφελεῖν 4τὴν κεφαλήν· ἐπεὶ δ᾿ ἀπαγόμενος ὁ Θετταλίων ἐπὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν τοσοῦτον εἶπεν ὅτι Σὺ μέν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, πράξεις ὃ θέλεις, ὁ μέντοι Τέννης4 δυνάμενος ἅπαντα καταπρᾶξαι διὰ τὸ μὴ δοῦναί σε τὴν πίστιν οὐδὲν μὴ συντελέσει τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων, πάλιν ἀκούσας

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Such was the situation in Cyprus. 351/0 b.c.

43. After this the King of the Persians, who had begun his journey from Babylon, marched with his army against Phoenicia.1 The ruler of Sidon, Tennes,2 who was informed of the great size of the Persian army and thought that the insurgents were incapable of fighting against it, decided to provide for his personal safety. Accordingly, without the knowledge of the people of Sidon, he sent the most faithful of his own henchmen, Thettalion, to Artaxerxes with the promise that he would betray Sidon to him, would assist him in vanquishing Egypt, and would render him great service, since he was acquainted with the topography of Egypt and knew accurately the landing-places along the Nile. The King on hearing from Thettalion these particulars was extremely pleased and said that he would free Tennes of the charges relative to the revolt, and he promised to give him rich rewards if he performed all that he had agreed upon. But when Thettalion added that Tennes wished him also to confirm his promise by giving his right hand, thereupon the King, flying into a rage at the thought that he was not trusted, handed Thettalion over to his attendants and gave orders to take off his head. But when, as Thettalion was being led off to his punishment, he simply said: “You, O King, will do as you please, but Tennes, though he is able to achieve complete success, since you refuse the pledge, will assuredly not perform any of his promises,” the

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τούτων μετενόησε καὶ μετακαλεσάμενος τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἀφεῖναι προσέταξε καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ἔδωκε τῷ Θετταλίωνι· ἔστι δ᾿ ἡ πίστις αὕτη βεβαιοτάτη παρὰ τοῖς Πέρσαις. οὗτος μὲν οὖν παρελθὼν εἰς Σιδῶνα τὰ πεπραγμένα τῷ Τέννῃ1 λάθρᾳ τῶν Σιδωνίων ἀπήγγειλεν.

44. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐν μεγάλῳ τιθέμενος τὸ κρατῆσαι τῆς Αἰγύπτου διὰ τὸ πρότερον ἐλάττωμα πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τὰς μεγίστας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων, ἀξιῶν συστρατεῦσαι τοῖς Πέρσαις ἐπ᾿ Αἰγυπτίους. Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οὖν καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν φιλίαν ἔφασαν τὴν πρὸς Πέρσας τηρεῖν, συμμαχίαν δὲ ἀποστέλλειν ἀντεῖπαν. 2Θηβαῖοι δὲ στρατηγὸν ἑλόμενοι Λακράτην ἐξαπέστειλαν μετὰ χιλίων ὁπλιτῶν. Ἀργεῖοι δὲ τρισχιλίους στρατιώτας ἐξέπεμψαν, στρατηγὸν δὲ αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐχ εἵλαντο, τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως κατ᾿ ὄνομα τὸν Νικόστρατον στρατηγὸν αἰτησαμένου συνεχώρησαν. 3ἦν γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος ἀγαθὸς καὶ πρᾶξαι καὶ βουλεύσασθαι, μεμιγμένην δ᾿2 ἔχων τῇ φρονήσει μανίαν· τῇ γὰρ τοῦ σώματος ῥώμῃ διαφέρων ἐμιμεῖτο τὸν Ἡρακλέα κατὰ τὰς στρατείας καὶ λεοντῆν 4ἐφόρει καὶ ῥόπαλον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις. ὁμοίως δὲ τούτοις οἱ τὴν παραθαλάττιον τῆς Ἀσίας οἰκοῦντες Ἕλληνες ἀπέστειλαν στρατιώτας ἑξακισχιλίους, ὥστε τοὺς πάντας Ἕλληνας γενέσθαι συμμάχους μυρίους. πρὸ δὲ τῆς τούτων παρουσίας ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς διεληλυθὼς τὴν Συρίαν καὶ παραγενόμενος

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King, hearing what he said, again changed his mind 351/0 b.c. and recalling the attendants directed them to release Thettalion, and then he gave him his right hand, which is the surest pledge amongst the Persians. Thettalion accordingly returned to Sidon and reported what had happened to Tennes without the knowledge of the people of Sidon.

44. The Persian King, accounting it a matter of great importance, in view of his former defeat,1 to overthrow Egypt, dispatched envoys to the greatest cities of Greece requesting them to join the Persians in the campaign against the Egyptians.2 Now the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians replied that they continued to observe their friendship for the Persians, but were opposed to sending troops as allies. But the Thebans, choosing Lacrates as general, dispatched him with a thousand hoplites. And the Argives sent three thousand men; they did not, however, choose a general themselves, but when the King requested Nicostratus specifically as general, they concurred. Now Nicostratus was good both in action and in counsel, but there was madness mingled with his intelligence; for since he excelled in bodily strength, he would imitate Heracles when on a campaign by wearing a lion’s skin and carrying a club in battle. Following the example of these states, the Greeks who inhabited the sea-coast of Asia Minor dispatched six thousand men, making the total number of Greeks who served as allies ten thousand. Before their arrival the Persian King, after he had traversed Syria

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εἰς τὴν Φοινίκην ἐστρατοπέδευσεν οὐ μακρὰν 5τῆς Σιδῶνος. οἱ δὲ Σιδώνιοι κεχρονικότος τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς σίτου τε καὶ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν πολλὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιήσαντο.1 ὁμοίως οὖν τὴν πόλιν τάφροις τριπλαῖς μεγάλαις καὶ τειχῶν 6ὑψηλῶν κατασκευαῖς περιειλήφεισαν. εἶχον δὲ καὶ στρατιωτῶν ἱκανὸν πλῆθος πολιτικῶν ἐν γυμνασίαις2 καὶ πόνοις ἐνηθληκὸς καὶ ταῖς τῶν σωμάτων εὐεξίαις καὶ ῥώμαις διαφέρον. πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις χορηγίαις ἡ πόλις πολὺ προεῖχε τῶν κατὰ τὴν Φοινίκην πόλεων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον τριήρεις καὶ πεντήρεις εἶχε πλείους τῶν ἑκατόν.

45. Ὁ δὲ Τέννης3 κοινωσάμενος τὴν προδοσίαν Μέντορι τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου μισθοφόρων τοῦτον μὲν ἀπέλιπε τηροῦντα μέρος τῆς πόλεως καὶ συνεργοῦντα τοῖς περὶ τὴν προδοσίαν ἐγχειρουμένοις, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ στρατιωτῶν πεντακοσίων προῆγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, προσποιούμενος ἐπὶ κοινὴν τῶν Φοινίκων σύνοδον ἀπαντᾶν· ἦγε δὲ μεθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν πολιτῶν 2ἑκατὸν ὡς συμβούλους. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλησίον ἦσαν τοῦ βασιλέως, συναρπάσας τοὺς ἑκατὸν παρέδωκε τῷ Ἀρταξέρξῃ. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτὸν ὡς φίλον τοὺς μὲν ἑκατὸν ὡς αἰτίους ὄντας τῆς ἀποστάσεως κατηκόντισε, πεντακοσίων δὲ τῶν πρώτων Σιδωνίων μεθ᾿ ἱκετηριῶν ἀπαντησάντων ἀνεκαλέσατο τὸν Τέννην καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν εἰ δύναται τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ παραδοῦναι· σφόδρα γὰρ ἔσπευδε μὴ δι᾿ ὁμολογίας τὴν Σιδῶνα παραλαβεῖν, ὅπως ἀπαραιτήτοις συμφοραῖς περιβαλὼν τοὺς Σιδωνίους τῇ τούτων τιμωρίᾳ καταπλήξηται τὰς ἄλλας

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and reached Phoenicia, encamped not far from Sidon. 351/0 b.c. As for the Sidonians, while the King had been slow to move, they attended assiduously to the preparation of food, armour, and missiles. Likewise they had encompassed their city with huge triple ditches and constructions of lofty walls. They had also an ample number of citizen soldiers well trained in exercises and hard work and of superior bodily condition and strength. In wealth and in other resources the city far excelled the other cities of Phoenicia and, most important of all, it had more than a hundred triremes and quinqueremes.

45. Tennes, having confided his scheme for betrayal to Mentor1 the commander of the mercenaries from Egypt, left him to guard a portion of the city and to act in concert with his agents handling the betrayal, while he himself, with five hundred men, marched out of the city, pretending that he was going to a common meeting of the Phoenicians, and he took with him the most distinguished of the citizens, to the number of one hundred, in the role of advisers. When they had come near the King he suddenly seized the hundred and delivered them to Artaxerxes. The King, welcoming him as a friend, had the hundred shot as instigators of the revolt, and when five hundred of the leading Sidonians carrying olive branches as suppliants approached him, he summoned Tennes and asked him if he was able to deliver the city to him; for he was very eager not to receive Sidon on the terms of a capitulation, since his aim was to overwhelm the Sidonians with a merciless disaster and to strike terror into the

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3πόλεις. τοῦ δὲ Τέννου διαβεβαιωσαμένου παραδώσειν τὴν πόλιν ὁ βασιλεύς, φυλάττων τὴν ὀργὴν ἀπαραίτητον, ἅπαντας τοὺς πεντακοσίους ἔχοντας τὰς ἱκετηρίας κατηκόντισεν. εἶθ᾿ ὁ μὲν Τέννης προσελθὼν τοῖς ἐξ Αἰγύπτου μισθοφόροις ἔπεισεν αὐτοὺς ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν εἰσαγαγεῖν αὐτόν τε καὶ 4τὸν βασιλέα. ἡ μὲν οὖν Σιδὼν διὰ τοιαύτης προδοσίας ὑποχείριος ἐγένετο τοῖς Πέρσαις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὑπολαβὼν τὸν Τέννην μηκέτι χρήσιμον ὑπάρχειν ἀνεῖλεν. οἱ δὲ Σιδώνιοι πρὸ μὲν τῆς παρουσίας τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνέπρησαν ἁπάσας τὰς ναῦς, ὅπως μηδεὶς δύνηται τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐκπλεύσας ἰδίᾳ1 σωτηρίαν πορίζεσθαι· ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἑώρων καὶ τὰ τείχη κατειλημμένα καὶ πολλαῖς μυριάσι στρατιωτῶν περιεχόμενα, συγκλείσαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας εἰς τὰς οἰκίας 5ἐνέπρησαν. φασὶ δὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς τότε διαφθαρέντας σὺν τοῖς οἰκετικοῖς σώμασι γεγονέναι πλείους τῶν τετρακισμυρίων. τούτου δὲ τοῦ πάθους περὶ τοὺς Σιδωνίους γενομένου καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὅλης μετὰ τῶν ἐνοικούντων ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀφανισθείσης τὴν πυρκαϊὰν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπέδοτο πολλῶν 6ταλάντων· διὰ γὰρ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῶν ἐνῳκηκότων εὑρέθη πολὺς ἄργυρός τε καὶ χρυσὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς κεχωνευμένος. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Σιδῶνα συμβάντα δυστυχήματα τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν καταστροφήν,

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other cities by their punishment. When Tennes assured 351/0 b.c. him that he would deliver up the city, the King, maintaining his merciless rage, had all five hundred shot down while still holding the supplicant branches. Thereupon Tennes, approaching the mercenaries from Egypt, prevailed upon them to lead him and the King inside the walls. So Sidon by this base betrayal was delivered into the power of the Persians; and the King, believing that Tennes was of no further use to him, put him to death.1 But the people of Sidon before the arrival of the King burned all their ships so that none of the townspeople should be able by sailing out secretly to gain safety for himself. But when they saw the city and the walls captured and swarming with many myriads of soldiers, they shut themselves, their children, and their women up in their houses and consumed them all in flames. They say that those who were then destroyed in the fire, including the domestics, amounted to more than forty thousand. After this disaster had befallen the Sidonians and the whole2 city together with its inhabitants had been obliterated by the fire, the King sold that funeral pyre for many talents, for as a result of the prosperity of the householders there was found a vast amount of silver and gold melted down by the fire. So the disasters which had overtaken Sidon had such an

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αἱ δ᾿ ἄλλαι πόλεις καταπλαγεῖσαι προσεχώρησαν τοῖς Πέρσαις.

7Βραχὺ δὲ πρὸ τούτων τῶν χρόνων Ἀρτεμισία μὲν ἡ Καρίας δυναστεύουσα μετήλλαξεν ἄρξασα ἔτη δύο, τὴν δὲ δυναστείαν Ἰδριεὺς ὁ ἀδελφὸς 8διεδέξατο καὶ ἦρξεν ἔτη ἑπτά. κατὰ. δὲ τὴν Ἰταλίαν Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς μὲν Πραινεστίνους ἀνοχάς, πρὸς δὲ Σαμνίτας συνθήκας ἐποιήσαντο, Ταρκυνίους δὲ ἄνδρας διακοσίους καὶ ἑξήκοντα δημοσίᾳ 9ἐθανάτωσαν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν Λεπτίνης καὶ Κάλλιππος οἱ Συρακόσιοι δύναμιν ἔχοντες ἐξεπολιόρκησαν1 Ῥήγιον φρουρούμενον ὑπὸ Διονυσίου τοῦ τυράννου τοῦ νεωτέρου καὶ τὴν μὲν φρουρὰν ἐξέβαλον, τοῖς δὲ Ῥηγίνοις τὴν αὐτονομίαν ἀπεκατέστησαν.

46. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀπολλοδώρου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Οὐαλέριον καὶ Γάιον Σουλπίκιον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων κατὰ τὴν Κύπρον Σαλαμινίων πολιορκουμένων ὑπ᾿ Εὐαγόρου καὶ Φωκίωνος αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι πόλεις ἅπασαι τοῖς Πέρσαις ὑπετάγησαν, τῆς δὲ Σαλαμῖνος βασιλεύων 2Πνυταγόρας2 μόνος ὑπέμεινε τὴν πολιορκίαν. ὁ δ᾿ Εὐαγόρας πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν τὴν Σαλαμινίων ἀνεκτᾶτο καὶ διὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Περσῶν τὴν κάθοδον εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐποιεῖτο. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διαβληθέντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως βοηθοῦντος τῷ Πνυταγόρᾳ2 ὁ μὲν Εὐαγόρας

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ending, and the rest of the cities, panic-stricken, 351/0 b.c. went over to the Persians.

Shortly before this time Artemisia, who had held despotic rule over Caria, passed away after ruling two years, and Idrieus,1 her brother, succeeded to the despotism and ruled seven years. In Italy the Romans made an armistice with the people of Praeneste, and a treaty with the Samnites, and they put to death two hundred sixty inhabitants of Tarquinii2 at the hands of the public executioners in the Forum. In Sicily Leptines and Callippus, the Syracusans then in power, took by siege Rhegium,3 which was garrisoned by the tyrant Dionysius the younger, ejected the garrison, and restored to the people of Rhegium their independence.

46. When Apollodorus was archon in Athens, the 350/49 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Gaius Sulpicius. During their term of office, in Cyprus, while the people of Salamis were being besieged by Evagoras4 and Phocion, the rest of the cities all became subject to the Persians, and Pnytagoras,5 the king of Salamis, alone continued to endure the siege. Now Evagoras was endeavouring to recover his ancestral rule over the Salaminians and through the help of the King of the Persians to be restored to his kingship. But later, when he had been falsely accused to Artaxerxes and the King was backing Pnytagoras.

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ἀπογνοὺς τὴν κάθοδον καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἀπολογησάμενος ἄλλης ἡγεμονίας ἠξιώθη κατὰ τὴν 3Ἀσίαν μείζονος. κακῶς δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν διοικήσας ἔφυγε πάλιν εἰς Κύπρον καὶ συλληφθεὶς τιμωρίας ἠξιώθη. ὁ δὲ Πνυταγόρας1 ἑκουσίως ὑποταγεὶς τοῖς Πέρσαις τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδεῶς ἐβασίλευε τῆς Σαλαμῖνος.

4Ὁ δὲ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς Σιδῶνος, παραγενομένων αὐτῷ τῶν συμμάχων ἔκ τε Ἄργους καὶ Θηβῶν καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων, ἀθροίσας πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν 5προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. καταντήσας δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὴν μεγάλην λίμνην καθ᾿ ἣν ἔστι τὰ καλούμενα Βάραθρα, μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπέβαλε διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν τόπων. περὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ τὴν λίμνην φύσεως καὶ τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν παραδόξου συμπτώματος προειρηκότες ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ βύβλῳ τὸ διλογεῖν 6περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν παρήσομεν. διελθὼν δὲ τὰ Βάραθρα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ὁ βασιλεὺς ἧκεν πρὸς τὸ Πηλούσιον. αὕτη δ᾿ ἐστὶ πόλις ἐπὶ τοῦ πρώτου στόματος καθ᾿ ὃν τόπον ὁ Νεῖλος ποιεῖται τὰς ἐκβολάς. οἱ μὲν οὖν Πέρσαι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν ἀπὸ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων τοῦ Πηλουσίου, οἱ δ᾿ 7Ἕλληνες πρὸς αὐτῷ τῷ πολίσματι. οἱ δ᾿ Αἰγύπτιοι, δεδωκότων αὐτοῖς τῶν Περσῶν πολὺν χρόνον εἰς τὴν παρασκευήν, πάντα μὲν τὰ στόματα2 τοῦ Νείλου καλῶς κατεσκευακότες ὑπῆρχον, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῷ Πηλουσίῳ διὰ τὸ πρῶτον εἶναι τοῦτο 8καὶ μάλιστα κείμενον εὐκαίρως. ἐφρούρουν δὲ τὸ χωρίον στρατιῶται πεντακισχίλιοι, στρατηγοῦντος Φιλόφρονος τοῦ Σπαρτιάτου.3 οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι

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Evagoras, after having given up hope of his restoration 350/49 b.c. and made his defence on the accusations brought against him, was accorded another and higher command in Asia. But then when he had misgoverned his province he fled again to Cyprus and, arrested there, paid the penalty. Pnytagoras, who had made willing submission to the Persians, continued thenceforth to rule unmolested as king in Salamis.

After the capture of Sidon and the arrival of his allies from Argos and Thebes and the Greek cities in Asia, the King of the Persians assembled all his army and advanced against Egypt. As he came to the great marsh where are the Barathra or Pits, as they are called, he lost a portion of his army through his lack of knowledge of the region. Since we have discoursed earlier on the nature of the marsh1 and the peculiar mishaps which occur there in the first Book of our History, we shall refrain from making a second statement about it. Having passed through the Barathra with his army the King came to Pelusium. This is a city at the first mouth at which the Nile debouches into the sea. Now the Persians encamped at a distance of forty stades from Pelusium, but the Greeks close to the town itself. The Egyptians, since the Persians had given them plenty of time for preparation, had already fortified well all the mouths of the Nile, particularly the one near Pelusium because it was the first and the most advantageously situated. Five thousand soldiers garrisoned the position, Philophron the Spartiate being the general in command.

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σπεύδοντες ἄριστοι φανῆναι τῶν συστρατευομένων Ἑλλήνων πρῶτοι καὶ μόνοι διὰ στενῆς τινος καὶ βαθείας διώρυγος ἐτόλμησαν διαβῆναι παραβόλως. 9διαβάντων δ᾿ αὐτῶν καὶ προσβαλλόντων τοῖς τείχεσιν1 οἱ φρουροῦντες τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐκχυθέντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως συνῆψαν μάχην πρὸς τοὺς θηβαίους· μεγάλου δ᾿ ἀγῶνος γενομένου διὰ τὰς παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις φιλοτιμίας τότε μὲν ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ διημερεύσαντες ὑπὸ τῆς νυκτὸς διελύθησαν.

47. Τῇ δ᾿ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τρία μέρη τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν δύναμιν μερίσαντος ἑκάστη μερὶς εἶχε στρατηγὸν Ἕλληνα καὶ τούτῳ παρακαθεσταμένον ἡγεμόνα Πέρσην, ἄνδρα2 προκεκριμένον ἐπ᾿ 2ἀρετῇ τε καὶ εὐνοίᾳ. τὴν μὲν οὖν πρώτην τάξιν ἐπεῖχον οἱ Βοιωτοὶ στρατηγὸν μὲν ἔχοντες Λακράτην τὸν Θηβαῖον, ἡγεμόνα δὲ Πέρσην Ῥωσάκην· οὗτος δὲ ἀπόγονος μὲν ἦν ἑνὸς3 τῶν ἑπτὰ Περσῶν τῶν τοὺς μάγους καταλυσάντων, σατράπης δὲ Ἰωνίας καὶ Λυδίας· συνείπετο δ᾿ αὐτῷ πολλὴ μὲν ἵππος οὐκ ὀλίγη δὲ πεζικὴ στρατιὰ τῶν βαρβάρων. 3δευτέρα δ᾿ ἦν μερὶς ἡ τῶν Ἀργείων Νικοστράτου στρατηγοῦντος καὶ μετ᾿ αὐτοῦ Πέρσου συνάρχοντος Ἀρισταζάνου· οὗτος δ᾿ ἦν εἰσαγγελεὺς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πιστότατος τῶν φίλων μετὰ Βαγώαν· προσωρίσθησαν δ᾿ αὐτῷ στρατιῶται μὲν ἐπίλεκτοι πεντακισχίλιοι, 4τριήρεις δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα. τῆς δὲ τρίτης μερίδος ἐστρατήγει Μέντωρ ὁ τὴν Σιδῶνα παραδούς,

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The Thebans, being eager to show themselves the 350/49 b.c. best of the Greeks that were taking part in the expedition, were the first to venture, unsupported and recklessly, to make a crossing through a narrow and deep canal. They had passed through it and were assaulting the walls when the garrison of Pelusium sallied forth from the city and engaged in battle with the Thebans. As the engagement proved severe because of the intense rivalry on both sides, they spent the whole of that day in the battle and were separated only by the night.

47. Then on the next day, as the King divided the Greek army into three contingents, each contingent had a Greek general, and stationed along beside him a Persian officer, a man preferred above the others for valour and loyalty. Now the forward position was held by the Boeotians, who had as general the Theban Lacrates and as Persian officer Rhosaces. The latter was a descendant of one of the seven Persians who deposed the Magi1; he was satrap of Ionia and Lydia, and he was accompanied by a large force of cavalry and no small body of infantry composed of barbarians. Next in line was the Argive contingent of which Nicostratus was general and with him as Persian colleague Aristazanes. The latter was an usher2 of the King and the most faithful of his friends after Bagoas; and assigned to him were five thousand elite soldiers and eighty triremes. Of the third contingent Mentor was general, he who had betrayed

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ἔχων τοὺς προϋπάρχοντας αὐτῷ μισθοφόρους· συνεστρατεύετο δ᾿ αὐτῷ Βαγώας, ᾧ μάλιστα βασιλεὺς ἐνεπίστευε, τόλμῃ καὶ παρανομίᾳ διαφέρων· εἶχε δ᾿ οὗτος τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως Ἕλληνας καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἱκανὸν πλῆθος καὶ ναῦς οὐκ ὀλίγας. 5αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἔχων ἐφήδρευε τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασι. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς1 διαιρέσεως γενομένης παρὰ τοῖς Πέρσαις ὁ μὲν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς Νεκτανεβὼς οὔτε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων οὔτε τὴν ὅλην διάταξιν τῶν Περσῶν κατεπλάγη, 6καίπερ πολὺ λειπόμενος τοῦ πλήθους. εἶχε γὰρ Ἕλληνας μὲν μισθοφόρους δισμυρίους, Λίβυας δὲ παραπλησίους τούτοις, Αἰγυπτίους δὲ τοὺς μαχίμους παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ὀνομαζομένους ἑξακισμυρίους, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις πλοίων ποταμίων πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὸν Νεῖλον μάχας καὶ συμπλοκὰς εὐθέτων ἄπιστον 7πλῆθος. ὠχύρωτο δ᾿ αὐτῷ καὶ ἡ πρὸς τὴν Ἀραβίαν νεύουσα πλευρὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ, πεπυκνωμένη πολίσμασιν, ἔτι δὲ τείχεσι καὶ τάφροις πᾶσα διειλημμένη. ἔχων δὲ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας παρασκευὰς πάσας πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἱκανάς, διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀβουλίαν ταχὺ τοῖς ὅλοις ἔπταισεν.

48. Αἰτία δ᾿ ἐγένετο τῆς ἥττης μάλισθ᾿ ἡ τοῦ στρατηγεῖν ἀπειρία καὶ τὸ προνενικῆσθαι τοὺς Πέρσας ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν πρὸ ταύτης γεγενημένην 2στρατείαν. ἐσχηκὼς γὰρ τοὺς τότε στρατηγοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς ἄνδρας καὶ διαφέροντας ἀρετῇ τε καὶ

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Sidon, having the mercenaries that were formerly 350/49 b.c. under his command; and associated with him on the expedition was Bagoas, whom the King trusted most, a man exceptionally daring and impatient of propriety; and he had the King’s Greeks and an ample force of barbarians and not a few ships. The King himself with the remainder of the army held himself in reserve for the whole operation.1 Such being the distribution of the army on the Persian side, the king of the Egyptians, Nectanebôs, was dismayed neither by the multitude of the enemy nor by the general disposition of the Persian forces, though his numbers were far inferior. In fact he had twenty thousand Greek mercenaries, about the same number of Libyans, and sixty thousand Egyptians of the caste known amongst them as “The Warriors”; and besides these an incredible number of river-boats suited for battles and engagements on the Nile. The bank of the river facing Arabia had been strongly fortified by him, being a region crowded with towns and, besides, all intersected by walls and ditches. Although he had ready also all the other preparations which were adequate for the war, yet because of his own poor judgement he soon met with complete disaster.

48. The reason for his defeat was chiefly his lack of experience as a general and the fact that the Persians had been defeated by him in the previous expedition. For he had then had as his generals men who were distinguished and superior both in valour

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ἀγχινοίᾳ στρατηγικῇ, Διόφαντον τὸν Ἀθηναῖον καὶ Λάμιον τὸν Σπαρτιάτην, διὰ τούτων ἅπαντα κατώρθωσε· τότε δ᾿ ὑπολαμβάνων ἑαυτὸν ἱκανὸν εἶναι στρατηγὸν οὐδενὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας μετεδίδου καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν οὐδὲν ἠδύνατο πράττειν τῶν ἐν τῷ 3πολέμῳ χρησίμων. τὰ μὲν οὖν πολίσματα φρουραῖς ἀξιολόγοις διαλαβὼν παρεφύλαττεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔχων τρισμυρίους, τῶν δ᾿ Ἑλλήνων πεντακισχιλίους, τῶν δὲ Λιβύων τοὺς ἡμίσεις ταῖς εὐκαιροτάταις τῶν εἰσβολῶν ἐφήδρευεν. τοιαύτης δὲ παρ᾿ ἀμφοτέροις οὔσης τῆς διατάξεως Νικόστρατος μὲν ὁ τῶν Ἀργείων στρατηγὸς ἔχων ἡγεμόνας Αἰγυπτίους ὧν ἦσαν ὅμηροι παῖδες παρὰ τοῖς Πέρσαις καὶ γυναῖκες, παρέπλευσε μετὰ τοῦ στόλου διά τινος διώρυγος εἰς τόπον κεκρυμμένον, ἐκβιβάσας δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ παρεμβολὴν 4ὀχυρωσάμενος κατεστρατοπέδευσεν. οἱ δὲ τὸν πλησίον τόπον παραφυλάττοντες μισθοφόροι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ὡς ᾔσθοντο τὴν τῶν πολεμίων παρουσίαν εὐθὺς ἐξεβοήθουν, ὄντες οὐκ ἐλάττους τῶν ἑπτακισχιλίων. 5ἔχων δ᾿ αὐτῶν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Κλείνιος ὁ Κῷος συνέταξε τὴν δύναμιν εἰς μάχην. ἀντιταχθέντων δὲ τῶν καταπεπλευκότων ἐγένετο καρτερὰ μάχη· καθ᾿ ἣν οἱ μετὰ τῶν Περσῶν Ἕλληνες ἀγωνισάμενοι λαμπρῶς τόν τε στρατηγὸν Κλείνιον ἐφόνευσαν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν κατέκοψαν 6πλείους τῶν πεντακισχιλίων. Νεκτανεβὼς δ᾿ ὁ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τὴν τῶν ἰδίων ἀπώλειαν κατεπλάγη, νομίσας καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τῶν

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and in sagacity in the art of war, Diophantus1 the 350/49 b.c. Athenian and Lamius the Spartan, and it was because of them that he had been victorious in all respects. At this time, however, since he supposed that he himself was a competent general, he would not share the command with anyone and so, because of his inexperience, was unable to execute any of the moves that would have been useful in this war. Now when he had provided the towns here and there with considerable garrisons, he maintained a strict guard there, and having in his own command thirty thousand Egyptians, five thousand Greeks, and half the Libyans, he held them in reserve to defend the most exposed approaches. Such being the disposition of the forces on both sides, Nicostratus, the general of the Argives, having as guides Egyptians whose children and wives were held as hostages by the Persians, sailed by with his fleet through a canal into a hidden district and, disembarking his men and fortifying a site for a camp, encamped there. The mercenaries of the Egyptians who were keeping a strict guard in the neighbourhood, observing the presence of the enemy, straightway made a sally in number not less than seven thousand. Cleinius the Coan, their commander, drew up his force in line of battle. And when those who had sailed in were drawn up opposite, a sharp battle ensued in the course of which the Greeks serving with the Persians, fighting brilliantly, slew the general Cleinius and cut down more than five thousand of the rest of the soldiers. Nectanebôs the Egyptian king, on hearing of the loss of his men, was terror-stricken, thinking that the rest of the Persian army

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Περσῶν δύναμιν ῥᾳδίως διαβήσεσθαι τὸν ποταμόν. 7ὑπολαβὼν δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν ἥξειν τὴν Μέμφιν ἔκρινε ταύτης μάλιστα προνοήσασθαι. οὗτος μὲν οὖν μετὰ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν στρατιᾶς ἐπανελθὼν εἰς Μέμφιν τὰ πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν παρεσκευάζετο.

49. Ὁ δὲ τῆς πρώτης1 μερίδος ἀφηγούμενος Λακράτης ὁ Θηβαῖος ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ Πηλουσίου πολιορκίαν ὥρμησεν· ἀποστρέψας δὲ τῆς διώρυγος τὸ ῥεῦμα πρὸς ἕτερα μέρη καὶ τὸν ἀναξηρανθέντα τόπον χώσας μηχανὰς προσήγαγε τῇ πόλει. ἐπὶ πολὺ δὲ μέρος πεσόντων τῶν τειχῶν οἱ τὸ Πηλούσιον φρουροῦντες ὀξέως ἀντῳκοδόμησαν ἕτερα καὶ 2πύργους ξυλίνους ἀξιολόγους ἀνέστησαν. ἐπὶ δέ τινας ἡμέρας συνεχοῦς γινομένης τῆς τειχομαχίας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον Ἕλληνες ἐρρωμένως ἠμύνοντο τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας· ὡς δ᾿ ἐπύθοντο τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀναχώρησιν εἰς Μέμφιν 3καταπλαγέντες περὶ διαλύσεων ἐπρεσβεύοντο. τοῦ δὲ Λακράτους δόντος αὐτοῖς διὰ τῶν ὅρκων πίστεις ὅτι παραδόντων αὐτῶν τὸ Πηλούσιον ἀποκομισθήσονται πάντες εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα μεθ᾿ ὧν ἂν ἐξενέγκωσι, 4παρέδωκαν τὸ φρούριον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Ἀρταξέρξης ἀπέστειλε Βαγώαν μετὰ στρατιωτῶν βαρβάρων παραληψόμενον τὸ Πηλούσιον, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται παριόντες εἰς τὸ χωρίον τῶν ἐξιόντων Ἑλλήνων ἀφῃροῦντο πολλὰ τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν 5ἐκκομιζομένων. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν ἀδικουμένων καὶ θεοὺς τοὺς ἐπόπτας τῶν ὅρκων ἐπιβοωμένων παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Λακράτης τροπὴν ἐποίησε τῶν βαρβάρων καί τινας καταβαλὼν ἐπεκούρησε

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also would easily cross the river. Assuming that the 350/49 b.c. enemy with their entire army would come to the very gates of Memphis, he decided first and foremost to take precautionary measures to protect the city. Accordingly he returned to Memphis with the army he had retained and began to prepare for the siege.

49. Lacrates the Theban, who was in command of the first contingent, hastened to begin the siege of Pelusium. First he diverted the stream of the canal to other directions, then when the channel had become dry he filled it with earth and brought siege engines against the city. When a large portion of the walls fell, the garrison in Pelusium quickly built others to oppose the advance and reared huge towers of wood. The battle for the walls continued for several days running and at first the Greeks in Pelusium vigorously warded off the besiegers; but when they learned of the king’s withdrawal to Memphis they were so terror-stricken that they sent envoys to arrange for a settlement. Since Lacrates gave them pledges backed by oaths to the effect that if they surrendered Pelusium they would all be conveyed back to Greece with whatever they could carry on their backs, they delivered over the citadel. After this Artaxerxes dispatched Bagoas with barbarian soldiers to take over Pelusium, and the soldiers, arriving at the place as the Greeks were issuing forth, seized upon many of the articles they were carrying out. The victims of this injustice in their anger called loudly upon the gods who were guardians of their oaths, whereupon Lacrates became incensed, put the barbarians to flight, slaying a number of them, thus

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6τοῖς παρασπονδουμένοις. τοῦ δὲ Βαγώου φυγόντος πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ κατηγοροῦντος τοῦ Λακράτους ὁ Ἀρταξέρξης ἔκρινε δίκαια πεπονθέναι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Βαγώαν καὶ τῶν Περσῶν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἁρπαγῆς ἀπέκτεινεν. τὸ μὲν οὖν Πηλούσιον τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον παρεδόθη τοῖς Πέρσαις.

7Μέντωρ δὲ ὁ τοῦ τρίτου μέρους ἡγούμενος Βούβαστον καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας πόλεις χειρωσάμενος ὑπηκόους ἐποίησε τῷ βασιλεῖ δι᾿ ἑνὸς στρατηγήματος. πασῶν γὰρ τῶν πόλεων φρουρουμένων ὑπὸ δυεῖν ἐθνῶν, Ἑλλήνων1 τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίων, ὁ Μέντωρ διέδωκε λόγον εἰς τοὺς στρατιώτας ὅτι βασιλεὺς Ἀρταξέρξης τοῖς μὲν ἑκουσίως παραδιδοῦσι τὰς πόλεις φιλανθρώπως χρήσασθαι διέγνωκε, τοῖς δὲ βίᾳ κρατηθεῖσι τὴν αὐτὴν ἀπονέμειν τιμωρίαν ἥνπερ τοῖς Σιδωνίοις ἐπέστησε· καὶ τοῖς φυλάττουσι τὰς πύλας παρήγγειλεν ἐᾶν τοὺς βουλομένους 8παρ᾿ αὐτῶν αὐτομολεῖν. διόπερ ἀκωλύτως τῶν ἡλωκότων Αἰγυπτίων ἀπιόντων ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ταχέως εἰς ἁπάσας τὰς κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον πόλεις ὁ λόγος ὁ προειρημένος διεσπάρη. εὐθὺς οὖν οἱ μισθοφόροι πρὸς τοὺς ἐγχωρίους πανταχῇ διεφέροντο καὶ στάσεως αἱ πόλεις ἐπληροῦντο. ἑκάτεροι γὰρ ἰδίᾳ διεφιλοτιμοῦντο παραδιδόναι τὰ φρούρια καὶ τῆς χάριτος ταύτης ἰδίας ἀγαθῶν ἐλπίδας ἠλλάττοντο2· ὅπερ καὶ περὶ πρώτην τὴν Βούβαστον συνέβη γενέσθαι.

50. Ὡς γὰρ οἱ περὶ τὸν Μέντορα καὶ Βαγώαν πλησίον αὐτῆς κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, οἱ μὲν Αἰγύπτιοι λάθρᾳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐξέπεμψάν τινα πρὸς

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standing by the Greeks, the sufferers from the broken 350/49 b.c. pledges. But when Bagoas fled to the King and brought accusation against Lacrates, Artaxerxes decided that Bagoas’ contingent had met with their just deserts and put to death the Persians who were responsible for the robbery. So it was in this fashion that Pelusium was delivered over to the Persians.

Mentor, who was in command of the third contingent, captured Bubastus and many other cities and made them subject to the King by a single strategic device. For since all the cities were garrisoned by two peoples, Greeks and Egyptians, Mentor passed the word around to the soldiers that King Artaxerxes had decided to treat magnanimously those who voluntarily surrendered their cities, but to mete out the same penalty to those who were overcome by force as he had imposed on the people of Sidon; and he instructed those who guarded the gates to give free passage to any who wished to desert from the other side. Accordingly, since the captured Egyptians were leaving the barracks without hindrance, the aforementioned word was quickly scattered amongst all the cities of Egypt. Immediately, therefore, the mercenaries were everywhere at variance with the natives and the cities were filled with strife; for each side was privately endeavouring to surrender its posts and nursing private hopes of gain in exchange for this favour; and this is what actually happened in the case of the city of Bubastus first.

50. When, namely, the forces of Mentor and Bagoas were encamped near Bubastus, the Egyptians, without the knowledge of the Greeks, sent an envoy

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τὸν Βαγώαν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι παραδώσειν τὴν πόλιν 2ἐὰν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν συγχωρήσωσιν. οἱ δ᾿ Ἕλληνες αἰσθόμενοι τὸ γεγονὸς κατεδίωξαν τὸν ἀπεσταλμένον καὶ φόβον ἐπικρεμάσαντες ἤκουσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν· ἐφ᾿ οἷς παροξυνθέντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις καί τινας μὲν ἀπέκτειναν τινὰς δὲ τραυματίας ποιήσαντες τοὺς λοιποὺς συνήλασαν εἴς 3τι μέρος τῆς πόλεως. οἱ δ᾿ ἡττηθέντες δηλώσαντες τῷ Βαγώᾳ τὸ γεγονὸς ἠξίουν κατὰ τάχος ἐλθόντα παραλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν παρ᾿ αὐτῶν. τῶν δὲ Ἐλλήνων πρὸς τὸν Μέντορα λάθρᾳ διακηρυκευσαμένων ὁ Μέντωρ ἐν ἀπορρήτοις παρεκάλεσεν αὐτούς, ὅταν Βαγώας εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέλθῃ, τὴν ἐπίθεσιν τοῖς 4βαρβάροις ποιήσασθαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Βαγώου μετὰ τῶν Περσῶν εἰσιόντος ἄνευ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων συγκαταθέσεως καὶ μέρους τῶν στρατιωτῶν εἰσεληλυθότος οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες ἄφνω τὰς θύρας κλείσαντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν ὑπάρχουσι καὶ πάντας ἀνελόντες τὸν Βαγώαν αὐτὸν ἐζώγρησαν. 5ὁ δὲ τὰς τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν ἐν τῷ Μέντορι κειμένας ἐδεήθη σῶσαι καὶ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν κατεπηγγείλατο μηθὲν πράξειν ἄνευ τῆς 6ἐκείνου γνώμης. ὁ δὲ Μέντωρ πείσας τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀφεῖναι τὸν Βαγώαν καὶ δι᾿ ἑαυτοῦ γενέσθαι τὴν παράδοσιν τὴν μὲν ἐπιγραφὴν1 τοῦ προτερήματος αὐτὸς ἀπηνέγκατο, τῷ δὲ Βαγώᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιος γενόμενος συνέθετο πρὸς αὐτὸν κοινοπραγίαν καὶ δοὺς ὅρκους καὶ λαβὼν περὶ τούτων διετέλεσε τὴν σύνθεσιν φυλάττων μέχρι τῆς 7τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς. διὸ καὶ συνέβη τούτους παρὰ βασιλεῖ συμφρονοῦντας ὕστερον πλεῖστον ἰσχῦσαι τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν τῶν παρ᾿ Ἀρταξέρξῃ· ὁ

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to Bagoas offering to deliver the city if he would consent 350/49 b.c. to their safety. The Greeks, having knowledge of the mission, overtook the envoy and by dire threats extracted the truth, whereat they were much enraged and attacked the Egyptians, slew some, wounded others, and herded the rest into a quarter of the city. The discomfited men, having notified Bagoas of what had taken place, asked him to come with all speed and receive the city from themselves. But the Greeks had been privately treating with Mentor, who gave them secret encouragement, as soon as Bagoas should enter Bubastus, to attack the barbarians. Later on, when Bagoas with the Persians was entering the city without the sanction of the Greeks and a portion of his men had got inside, the Greeks suddenly closed the gates and attacked those who were inside the walls, and, having slain all the men, took Bagoas himself prisoner. The latter, seeing that his hopes of safety lay in Mentor, besought him to spare his life and promised in future to do nothing without his advice. Mentor, who now prevailed upon the Greeks to set Bagoas free and to arrange the surrender through himself, won credit himself for his success, but, having become responsible for Bagoas’ life, he made an agreement with him for common action, and after an exchange of pledges on this matter kept the agreement faithfully till the end of his life. The result of this was that these two by their co-operation in the service of the King attained later on to the greatest power of all the friends and relatives

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μὲν γὰρ Μέντωρ ἐν τοῖς παραθαλαττίοις μέρεσι τῆς Ἀσίας ἡγεμὼν μέγιστος ἀποδειχθεὶς τῷ βασιλεῖ μεγάλας παρείχετο χρείας ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος μισθοφόρους ἀθροίζων καὶ πέμπων πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην, κατὰ δὲ τὰς πράξεις ἀνδρείως καὶ 8πιστῶς ἅπαντα1 διοικῶν· ὁ δὲ Βαγώας ἐν ταῖς ἄνω σατραπείαις ἅπαντα τῷ βασιλεῖ διῳκηκὼς1 τοσοῦτον ἴσχυσε διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Μέντορα κοινωνίαν τῶν πράξεων ὥστε τῆς βασιλείας κύριον εἶναι καὶ μηδὲν πράττειν τὸν Ἀρταξέρξην ἄνευ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης. καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν τοὺς διαδόχους αἰεὶ τῆς βασιλείας οὗτος ἀπεδείκνυτο καὶ πάντα βασιλέως εἶχε πλὴν τῆς προσηγορίας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις χρόνοις ἀναγράψομεν.

51. Τότε δὲ μετὰ τὴν τῆς Βουβάστου παράδοσιν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις καταπλαγεῖσαι καθ᾿ ὁμολογίαν παρεδόθησαν τοῖς Πέρσαις. ἐν δὲ τῇ Μέμφει διατρίβων ὁ βασιλεὺς Νεκτανεβὼς καὶ θεωρῶν τὴν τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ τὴν προδοσίαν2 ὁρμὴν οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν ὑποστῆναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας κινδύνους. ἀπογνοὺς οὖν τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων ἀναλαβὼν ἔφυγεν εἰς τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν. 2Ἀρταξέρξης δὲ παραλαβὼν πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ τῶν ἀξιολογωτάτων πόλεων τὰ τείχη περιελὼν τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ συλήσας ἤθροισεν ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ πλῆθος, ἀπήνεγκε δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων ἱερῶν ἀναγραφάς, ἃς ὕστερον Βαγώας

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at Artaxerxes’ court. In fact Mentor, having been 350/49 b.c. appointed to the chief command in the coastal districts of Asia, performed great services to the King in gathering mercenaries from Greece and sending them to Artaxerxes, and in the course of his activities administering all his duties courageously and loyally. As for Bagoas, after he had administered all the King’s affairs in the upper satrapies,1 he rose to such power because of his partnership with Mentor that he was master of the kingdom, and Artaxerxes did nothing without his advice. And after Artaxerxes’ death he designated in every case the successor to the throne and enjoyed all the functions of kingship save the title. But of these matters we shall record the details in their proper chronological sequence.

51. At the time under consideration, after the surrender of Bubastus, the remaining cities, terror-stricken, were delivered to the Persians by capitulation. But King Nectanebôs, while still tarrying in Memphis and perceiving the trend of the cities toward betrayal, did not dare risk battles for his dominion. So giving up hope of his kingship and taking with him the greater part of his possessions, he fled into Aethiopia. Artaxerxes, after taking over all Egypt and demolishing the walls of the most important cities, by plundering the shrines gathered a vast quantity of silver and gold, and he carried off the inscribed records from the ancient temples, which later on

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πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀπελύτρωσε1 τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τῶν 3Αἰγυπτίων. τοὺς δὲ συστρατευσαμένους τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἕκαστον δωρεαῖς ἀξιολόγοις τιμήσας ἀπέλυσεν εἰς τὰς πατρίδας· τῆς δ᾿ Αἰγύπτου σατράπην καταστήσας Φερενδάτην ἐπανῆλθεν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Βαβυλῶνα πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα καὶ λάφυρα κομίζων δόξαν δὲ μεγάλην ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων περιπεποιημένος.

52. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Καλλιμάχου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκιον2 Γάιον καὶ Πόπλιον Οὐαλέριον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Ἀρταξέρξης ὁρῶν μεγάλας ἑαυτῷ παρεσχημένον χρείας ἐν τῷ πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους πολέμῳ Μέντορα τὸν στρατηγὸν 2προῆγεν αὐτὸν μάλιστα τῶν φίλων. τιμήσας δ᾿ ἀριστείοις τὸν ἄνδρα ἐδωρήσατο αὐτῷ ἀργυρίου μὲν ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τῆς δ᾿ ἄλλης πολυτελοῦς κατασκευῆς τὴν κρατίστην· ἀπέδειξε δὲ σατράπην τῆς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν παραλίας καὶ τὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγὸν 3ἀποδείξας. ὁ δὲ Μέντωρ ἔχων οἰκειότητα πρὸς Ἀρτάβαζον καὶ Μέμνονα τοὺς διαπεπολεμηκότας μὲν πρὸς Πέρσας ἐν τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις τότε δὲ πεφευγότας ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ διατρίβοντας παρὰ Φιλίππῳ, δεηθεὶς τοῦ βασιλέως ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας τῶν ἐγκλημάτων. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ μετεπέμψατο πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀμφοτέρους μεθ᾿

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Bagoas returned to the Egyptian priests on the payment 350/19 b.c. of huge sums by way of ransom. Then when he had rewarded the Greeks who had accompanied him on the campaign with lavish gifts, each according to his deserts, he dismissed them to their native lands; and, having installed Pherendates as satrap of Egypt, he returned with his army to Babylon, bearing many possessions and spoils and having won great renown by his successes.

52. When Callimachus was archon at Athens, the 349/8 b.c. Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Publius Valerius. During their term of office Artaxerxes, seeing that Mentor the general had performed great services for him in the war against the Egyptians, advanced him over and above his other friends. Esteeming him worthy of honour for his gallant actions, he gave him a hundred talents of silver and also the best of expensive decorations, and he appointed him satrap of the Asiatic coast and placed him in charge of the war against the rebels, having designated him general in supreme command. And since Mentor was related1 to Artabazus and Memnon, both of whom had warred against the Persians in the preceding period2 and at the time now under consideration were fugitives from Asia residing at the court of Philip, he requested the King and prevailed upon him to dismiss the charges against them. Immediately afterwards he also summoned them both to come to his presence

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4ὅλης τῆς συγγενείας· ἦσαν γὰρ Ἀρταβάζῳ γεγονότες ἐκ τῆς Μέντορος καὶ Μέμνονος ἀδελφῆς υἱοὶ μὲν ἕνδεκα, θυγατέρες δὲ δέκα. ψυχαγωγούμενος δ᾿ ἐπὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν τέκνων ὁ Μέντωρ προῆγε τοὺς παῖδας, παραδιδοὺς αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας 5ἐν τοῖς στρατιωτικοῖς1 ἡγεμονίας. ἐστρατεύσατο δ᾿ ἐπὶ πρῶτον Ἑρμίαν2 τὸν Ἀταρνέως τύραννον, ἀφεστηκότα τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πολλῶν ὀχυρωμάτων 6καὶ πόλεων κυριεύοντα. ἐπαγγειλάμενος δ᾿ αὐτῷ πείσειν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ3 αὐτὸν τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἀπολῦσαι συνῆλθεν εἰς λόγους καὶ παρακρουσάμενος αὐτὸν συνέλαβε. κυριεύσας δὲ τοῦ δακτυλίου καὶ γράψας εἰς τὰς πόλεις ὅτι διήλλακται τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ Μέντορος καὶ σφραγισάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τῷ τοῦ Ἑρμίου2 δακτυλίῳ συνεξέπεμψε 7τοὺς παραληψομένους τὰ χωρία. οἱ δ᾿ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι πιστεύσαντες τοῖς γεγραμμένοις καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀγαπητῶς προσδεξάμενοι παρέδωκαν πάντες τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὰς πόλεις. Μέντωρ μὲν οὖν δι᾿ ἀπάτης ταχὺ παραλαβὼν ἀκινδύνως τὰ τῶν ἀποστατῶν πολίσματα μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἔτυχε παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, δόξας δύνασθαι στρατηγεῖν πραγματικῶς. 8ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας τοὺς

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with all their families; for there had been born to 349/8 b.c. Artabazus by the sister of Mentor and Memnon eleven sons and ten daughters.1 And Mentor was so enchanted with the large number of children born to the marriage that he promoted the lads, giving them the most distinguished commands in the armed forces. He made his first campaign against Hermias2 the tyrant of Atarneus, who had revolted from the King and was master of many fortresses and cities. Having promised Hermias that he would prevail upon the King to dismiss the charges against him too, he met him at a conference and then, playing him false, arrested him. After getting possession of his signet-ring and writing to the cities that a reconciliation had been effected with the King through Mentor’s intervention, he sealed the letters with Hermias’ ring, and sent the letters and with them agents who were to take over the districts. The populations of the cities, trusting the documents and being quite content to accept the peace, all surrendered their fortresses and cities. Now that Mentor through deception had quickly and without risk recovered the towns of the rebels, he won great favour with the King, who concluded that he was capable of performing the duties of general realistically. Similarly with regard to the other commanders

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ἀλλοτρίως διακειμένους τοῖς Πέρσαις τοὺς μὲν βιασάμενος, τοὺς δὲ καταστρατηγήσας ἅπαντας ταχέως κατεπολέμησεν.

Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

9Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην Φίλιππος μὲν ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τὰς Χαλκιδικὰς πόλεις Ζερεία1 μὲν φρούριον ἐκπολιορκήσας κατέσκαψε, τῶν δ᾿ ἄλλων πολισμάτων ἔνια καταπληξάμενος ἠνάγκασεν ὑποτάττεσθαι· ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς Φερὰς τῆς Θετταλίας παρελθὼν Πειθόλαον δυναστεύοντα τῆς 10πόλεως ἐξέβαλεν. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις ἐν τῷ Πόντῳ Σπάρτακος ὁ τοῦ Πόντου βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἄρξας ἔτη πέντε, τὴν δ᾿ ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξάμενος ὁ ἀδελφὸς Παιρισάδης2 ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη τριάκοντα ὀκτώ.

53. Τοῦ δ᾿ ἔτους τούτου διελθόντος Ἀθήνησι μὲν ἦρχε Θεόφιλος, ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ κατεστάθησαν ὕπατοι Γάιος Σουλπίκιος καὶ Γάιος Κοΐντιος, ὀλυμπιὰς δ᾿ ἤχθη ὀγδόη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθ᾿ ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον 2Πολυκλῆς Κυρηναῖος. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Φίλιππος μὲν σπεύδων τὰς ἐφ᾿ Ἑλλησπόντῳ πόλεις χειρώσασθαι Μηκύβερναν μὲν καὶ Τορώνην χωρὶς κινδύνων διὰ προδοσίας παρέλαβεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν μεγίστην τῶν περὶ τοὺς τόπους τούτους πόλεων Ὄλυνθον στρατεύσας μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως τὸ μὲν πρῶτον νικήσας τοὺς Ὀλυνθίους δυσὶ μάχαις συνέκλεισεν εἰς πολιορκίαν, προσβολὰς δὲ συνεχεῖς ποιούμενος πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπέβαλεν ἐν ταῖς τειχομαχίαις·

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who were at odds with the Persians, whether by force 349/8 b.c. or by stratagem, he soon subdued them all.

And this was the state of affairs in Asia.

In Europe Philip, the Macedonian king, marched against the cities of Chalcidicê, took the fortress of Zereia1 by siege and razed it. He then intimidated some of the other towns and compelled them to submit. Then coming against Pherae in Thessaly he expelled Peitholaüs,2 who was in-control of the city. While these things were going on, there occurred in Pontus the death of Spartacus king of Pontus after a rule of five years. His brother Paerisades3 succeeded to the throne and reigned for thirty-eight years.

53. When this year had elapsed, at Athens Theophilus 348/7 b.c. was archon, and at Rome Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Quintius were elected as consuls, and the one hundred eighth celebration of the Olympian games was held at which Polycles of Cyrenê won the stadion race. During their term of office Philip, whose aim was to subdue the cities on the Hellespont, acquired without a battle Mecyberna4 and Toronê5 by treasonable surrender, and then, having taken the field with a large army against the most important of the cities in this region, Olynthus, he first defeated the Olynthians in two battles and confined them to the defence of their walls; then in the continuous assaults that he made he lost many of his men in encounters at the walls,

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τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον φθείρας χρήμασι τοὺς προεστηκότας τῶν Ὀλυνθίων, Εὐθυκράτην τε καὶ Λασθένην, διὰ τούτων προδοθεῖσαν τὴν Ὄλυνθον 3εἷλεν. διαρπάσας δ᾿ αὐτὴν καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐξανδραποδισάμενος ἐλαφυροπώλησε. τοῦτο δὲ πράξας χρημάτων τε πολλῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον εὐπόρησε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις τὰς ἐναντιουμένας κατεπλήξατο. τοὺς δὲ ἀνδραγαθήσαντας τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἀξίαις δωρεαῖς τιμήσας καὶ χρημάτων πλῆθος διαδοὺς τοῖς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἰσχύουσι πολλοὺς ἔσχε προδότας τῶν πατρίδων. καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπεφαίνετο διὰ χρυσίου πολὺ1 μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ηὐξηκέναι τὴν ἰδίαν βασιλείαν.

54. Οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν αὔξησιν ὑφορώμενοι τοῦ Φιλίππου τοῖς ἀεὶ πολεμουμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐβοήθουν, πρέσβεις ἀποστέλλοντες ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ παρακαλοῦντες τηρεῖν τὴν αὐτονομίαν καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν προδοσίαν ὁρμῶντας τῶν πολιτῶν θανάτῳ κολάζειν· ἐπηγγέλλοντο δὲ πᾶσι συμμαχήσειν καὶ φανερῶς ἑαυτοὺς πολεμίους ἀποδείξαντες τῷ βασιλεῖ 2διεπολέμουν πρὸς Φίλιππον. μάλιστα δ᾿ αὐτοὺς παρώξυνε προστῆναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος Δημοσθένης ὁ ῥήτωρ, δεινότατος ὢν τῶν κατ᾿ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους Ἑλλήνων. οὐ μὴν ἡ πόλις γε ἀναστεῖλαι τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν προδοσίαν ὁρμῆς ἠδυνήθη τοὺς πολίτας·

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but finally bribed the chief officials of the Olynthians, 348/7 b.c. Euthycrates and Lasthenes,1 and captured Olynthus through their treachery. After plundering it and enslaving the inhabitants he sold both men and property as booty. By so doing he procured large sums for prosecuting the war and intimidated the other cities that were opposed to him. Having rewarded with appropriate gifts such soldiers as had behaved gallantly in the battle and distributed a sum of money to men of influence in the cities, he gained many tools ready to betray their countries. Indeed he was wont to declare that it was far more by the use of gold than of arms that he had enlarged his kingdom.

54. Since the Athenians viewed with alarm the rising power of Philip, they came to the assistance of any people2 who were attacked by the king, by sending envoys to the cities and urging them to watch over their independence and punish with death those citizens who were bent on treason, and they promised them all that they would fight as their allies, and, after publicly declaring themselves the king’s enemies, engaged in an out-and-out war against Philip. The man who more than any other spurred them on to take up the cause of Hellas was the orator Demosthenes, the most eloquent of the Greeks of those times. Even his city was, however, unable to restrain its citizens from their urge toward treason, such was the crop,3

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τοιαύτη γὰρ φορά τις προδοτῶν ὑπῆρξε τότε κατὰ 3τὴν Ἑλλάδα. διὸ καί φασι τὸν Φίλιππον βουλόμενον ἑλεῖν τινα πόλιν ὀχυρότητι διαφέρουσαν, εἰπόντος τινὸς αὐτῷ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ἀνάλωτον αὐτὴν ἐκ βίας ὑπάρχειν, ἐπερωτῆσαι εἰ οὐδ᾿ ὁ 4χρυσὸς τὸ τεῖχος ὑπερβῆναι δυνατός ἐστιν. ἦν γὰρ πεῖραν εἰληφὼς ὅτι τὰ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀδύνατα χειρωθῆναι τῷ χρυσῷ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστι καταπολεμῆσαι. ἐγκατασκευάζων οὖν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι προδότας διὰ τῆς δωροδοκίας καὶ τοὺς δεχομένους τὸ χρυσίον ξένους καὶ φίλους ὀνομάζων ταῖς πονηραῖς ὁμιλίαις διέφθειρε τὰ ἤθη τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

55. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς Ὀλύνθου Ὀλύμπια ποιήσας τοῖς θεοῖς ἐπινίκια μεγαλοπρεπεῖς θυσίας συνετέλεσεν· πανήγυριν δὲ μεγάλην συστησάμενος καὶ λαμπροὺς ἀγῶνας ποιήσας πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπιδημούντων ξένων ἐπὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις παρελάμβανε. 2παρὰ δὲ τοὺς πότους πολλαῖς ὁμιλίαις χρώμενος καὶ πολλοῖς μὲν ποτήρια διδοὺς κατὰ τὰς προπόσεις, οὐκ ὀλίγοις δὲ δωρεὰς ἀπονέμων, πᾶσι δὲ μεγάλας ἐπαγγελίας εὐχαρίστως1 ποιούμενος πολλοὺς ἔσχεν ἐπιθυμητὰς τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας.

3Καὶ δήποτ᾿ ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ κατανοήσας Σάτυρον τὸν ὑποκριτὴν σκυθρωπὸν ὄντ᾿2 ἤρετο διὰ τί μόνος

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as it were, of traitors that had sprung up at that time 343/7 b.c. throughout Hellas. Hence the anecdote that when Philip wished to take a certain city with unusually strong fortifications and one of the inhabitants remarked that it was impregnable, he asked if even gold could not scale its walls.1 For he had learned from experience that what could not be subdued by force of arms could easily be vanquished by gold. So, organizing bands of traitors in the several cities by means of bribes and calling those who accepted his gold “guests” and “friends,” by his evil communications he corrupted the morals of the people.2

55. After the capture of Olynthus, he celebrated the Olympian festival3 to the gods in commemoration of his victory, and offered magnificent sacrifices; and he organized a great festive assembly at which he held splendid competitions and thereafter invited many of the visiting strangers to his banquets. In the course of the carousals he joined in numerous conversations, presenting to many guests drinking cups4 as he proposed the toasts, awarding gifts to a considerable number, and graciously making such handsome promises to them all that he won over a large number to crave friendship with him.

At one time in the course of the drinking bout, noticing Satyrus,5 the actor, with a gloomy look on his face, Philip asked him why he alone disdained to

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οὐδὲν ἀξιοῖ μεταλαβεῖν τῆς παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ φιλανθρωπίας· τοῦ δ᾿ εἰπόντος ὅτι βούλεται παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ τυχεῖν τινος δωρεᾶς δεδοικέναι δὲ μήποτε δηλώσας τὴν προκεχειρισμένην ἔντευξιν ἀποτύχῃ, ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς περιχαρὴς γενόμενος διεβεβαιώσατο πᾶν ὅ τι ἂν αἰτήσῃ χαρίσασθαι· ὁ δ᾿ εἶπεν ὅτι ξένου τινὸς ἑαυτοῦ δύο παρθένοι τὴν ἡλικίαν ἔχουσαι γάμου τυγχάνουσιν ἐν ταῖς αἰχμαλώτοις οὖσαι· ταύτας οὖν βούλεσθαι λαβεῖν, οὐχ ἵνα λυσιτέλειάν τινα περιποιήσηται τυχὼν τῆς δωρεᾶς, ἀλλ᾿ ἵνα προικίσας ἀμφοτέρας συνοικίσῃ καὶ μὴ περιίδῃ μηδὲν παθούσας 4ἀνάξιον τῆς ἡλικίας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦθ᾿ ὁ Φίλιππος ἀσμένως τὴν αἴτησιν προσδεξάμενος παραχρῆμα τὰς παρθένους ἐδωρήσατο τῷ Σατύρῳ. πολλὰς δὲ καὶ ἄλλας παντοδαπὰς εὐεργεσίας καὶ δωρεὰς διασπείρων ἐκομίζετο τοὺς μισθοὺς πολλαπλασίους τῆς χάριτος· πολλοὶ γὰρ ταῖς τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἐλπίσι προκληθέντες ἔφθασαν ἀλλήλους προσνέμοντες ἑαυτοὺς τῷ Φιλίππῳ καὶ τὰς πατρίδας ἐγχειρίζοντες.

56. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησι Θεμιστοκλέους ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὴν ὑπατικὴν ἀρχὴν διεδέξαντο Γάιος Κορνήλιος καὶ Μάρκος Ποπίλιος.1 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων Βοιωτοὶ πολλὴν τῆς Φωκίδος χώραν πορθήσαντες περὶ τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Ὕαν πόλιν2 ἐνίκησαν τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ κατέβαλον αὐτῶν περὶ ἑβδομήκοντα. 2μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Βοιωτοὶ περὶ Κορώνειαν συμπλακέντες τοῖς Φωκεῦσιν ἡττήθησαν καὶ συχνοὺς ἀπέβαλον. ἔπειτα τῶν Φωκέων κατασχόντων3 ἱκανάς τινας πόλεις ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ στρατεύσαντες οἱ Βοιωτοὶ

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partake of the friendly courtesy he offered; and when 348/7 b.c. Satyrus said that he wished to obtain a boon from him but he feared lest, if he disclosed the request he had decided upon, he should be refused, the king, exceedingly pleased, affirmed that he granted forthwith any favour he might ask. He replied that there were two virgin daughters of a friend of his who were of marriageable age among the captive women; these girls he wished to obtain, not in order to derive any profit if he were granted the gift, but to give them both a dowry and husbands and not permit them to suffer any indignity unworthy of their years. Thereupon Philip gladly acceded to his request and immediately made a present of the girls to Satyrus. And by dispensing many other benefactions and gifts of every kind he reaped returns many times greater than his favour; for many who were incited by hopes of his beneficence outstripped one another in devoting themselves to Philip and in delivering their countries to him.

56. When Themistocles was archon at Athens, at 347/0 b.c Rome Gaius Cornelius and Marcus Popilius succeeded to the consular office. During their term of office the Boeotians, after sacking much of the Phocian territory about the city named Hya,1 defeated their enemies and slew about seventy of them. After this the Boeotians, having come to grips near Coroneia with the Phocians, were defeated and lost many men. When the Phocians now seized several cities of considerable size in Boeotia, the Boeotians took the field and

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καὶ τὸν σῖτον ἐκ τῆς χώρας τῶν πολεμίων 3φθείραντες κατὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον ἡττήθησαν. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πραττομένοις Φάλαικος μὲν ὁ τῶν Φωκέων στρατηγός, διαβληθεὶς ὅτι πολλὰ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων κέκλοφεν, ἐξέπεσεν ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀντὶ δὲ τούτου στρατηγῶν αἱρεθέντων τριῶν, Δεινοκράτους καὶ Καλλίου καὶ Σωφάνους, ἐγένετο ζήτησις τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων καὶ λόγον τοὺς κεχειρικότας οἱ Φωκεῖς ἀπῄτουν· ἦν δὲ πλεῖστα διῳκηκὼς Φίλων. 4οὗτος δ᾿ οὐ δυνάμενος ἀποδοῦναι τὸν λόγον κατεδικάσθη καὶ στρεβλωθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν τοὺς μετέχοντας τῆς κλοπῆς ἐμήνυσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ταῖς ἐσχάταις αἰκίαις περιπεσὼν οἰκείαν τῆς ἀσεβείας 5ἔσχε τὴν τοῦ βίου καταστροφήν. οἱ δὲ νοσφισάμενοι τὰ χρήματα τὰ σωζόμενα καὶ περιόντα τῶν ἐκ τῆς κλοπῆς ἀπέδωκαν, αὐτοὶ δ᾿ ἐθανατώθησαν ὡς ἱερόσυλοι. τῶν δὲ προγεγενημένων στρατηγῶν ὁ μὲν πρῶτος ἄρξας Φιλόμηλος ἀπέσχετο τῶν ἀναθημάτων, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος, προσαγορευόμενος μὲν Ὀνόμαρχος, ἀδελφὸς δ᾿ ὢν Φιλομήλου, πλεῖστα τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ χρημάτων κατεδαπάνησε, τρίτος δὲ Φάυλλος ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ὀνομάρχου στρατηγήσας οὐκ ὀλίγα τῶν ἀναθημάτων κατέκοψεν εἰς τὰς τῶν 6ξένων μισθοφοράς. τὰς γὰρ ἀνατεθείσας ὑπὸ Κροίσου τοῦ Λυδῶν βασιλέως χρυσᾶς πλίνθους, οὔσας ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι διταλάντους, κατέκοψεν εἰς νόμισμα, φιάλας δὲ χρυσᾶς τριακοσίας καὶ ἑξήκοντα

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destroyed the grain in enemy territory, but were 347/6 b.c. defeated on the return journey. While these things were going on, Phalaecus, the general of the Phocians, who was accused of stealing many of the sacred properties, was removed from his command.1 Three generals having been chosen to replace him, Deinocrates, Callias, and Sophanes, an investigation into the sacred property took place and the Phocians called upon those who had administered it to render an accounting. The man who had been in charge of most of it was Philon. Since he was unable to render a proper accounting, he was adjudged guilty, and after being tortured by the generals disclosed the names of his accomplices in the theft, while he himself, after being subjected to the utmost torments, obtained the kind of death that suited his impiety. Those who had diverted the properties to their own use restored whatever balance they still possessed of the stolen property and were themselves put to death as temple-robbers. Of the generals who had been in office previously, the first to hold the office, Philomelus, had kept his hands off the dedications,2 but the second, named Onomarchus, brother of Philomelus, squandered much of the god’s money, while the third, Phaÿllus, the brother of Onomarchus, when he became general, struck into coin a large number of the dedications in order to pay the mercenaries. For he coined for currency one hundred twenty gold bricks which had been dedicated by Croesus3 king of the Lydians weighing two talents each, and three hundred sixty golden goblets weighing two minae each, and

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διμναίους καὶ λέοντα χρυσοῦν καὶ γυναῖκα, τριά κοντα ταλάντων χρυσοῦ σταθμὸν ἀγόντων τῶν πάντων· ὥστε τὸ πᾶν κατακοπὲν χρυσίον εἰς ἀργυρίου λόγον ἀναγομένων τῶν χρημάτων εὑρίσκεσθαι τάλαντα τετρακισχίλια· τῶν δ᾿ ἀργυρῶν ἀναθημάτων τῶν τε ὑπὸ Κροίσου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἀνατεθέντων τοὺς πάντας στρατηγοὺς δεδαπανηκέναι1 τάλαντα πλείω τῶν ἑξακισχιλίων, προστιθεμένων δὲ καὶ τῶν χρυσῶν ἀναθημάτων ὑπερβάλλειν τὰ 7μύρια τάλαντα. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν συγγραφέων φασὶν οὐκ ἐλάττω γενέσθαι τὰ συληθέντα τῶν ἐν τοῖς Περσικοῖς θησαυροῖς ὑπ᾿ Ἀλεξάνδρου κατακτηθέντων. ἐπεχείρησαν δ᾿ οἱ περὶ τὸν Φάλαικον στρατηγοὶ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ὀρύττειν, εἰπόντος τινὸς ὡς ἐν αὐτῷ θησαυρὸς εἴη πολὺν ἔχων ἄργυρόν τε καὶ χρυσόν· καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἑστίαν καὶ τὸν τρίποδα φιλοτίμως ἀνέσκαπτον. ὁ δὲ μηνύσας τὸν θησαυρὸν μάρτυρα παρείχετο τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον καὶ ἀρχαιότατον τῶν ποιητῶν Ὅμηρον ἐν οἷς λέγει

οὐδ᾿ ὅσα λάινος οὐδὸς ἀφήτορος ἐντὸς ἐέργει Φοίβου Ἀπόλλωνος Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ.

8τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἐγχειρούντων σκάπτειν τὰ περὶ τὸν τρίποδα σεισμοὶ μεγάλοι γενόμενοι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι φόβον ἐπέστησαν, φανερῶς δὲ τῶν θεῶν προσημαινόντων τὴν κατὰ τῶν ἱεροσύλων κόλασιν ἀπέστησαν τῶν ἔργων. ὁ δὲ τῆς παρανομίας ταύτης ἡγεμὼν Φίλων ὁ προειρημένος ταχὺ τῷ δαιμονίῳ τὰς προσηκούσας δίκας ἐξέτισε.

57. Τῆς δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων φθορᾶς τὴν μὲν ὅλην ἐπιγραφὴν ἔσχον Φωκεῖς, μετέσχον δὲ τῆς

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golden statues of a lion and of a woman, weighing in 347/6 b.c. all thirty talents of gold, so that the sum total of gold that was coined into money, referred to the standard of silver, is found to be four thousand talents, while of the silver offerings, those dedicated by Croesus and all the others, all three generals had spent more than six thousand talents’ worth, and if to these were added the gold dedications, the sum surpassed ten thousand talents. Some of the historians say that the pillaged property was not less than the sums acquired by Alexander1 in the treasure chambers of the Persians. The generals on the staff of Phalaecus took steps even to dig up the temple, because some one said that there was a treasure chamber in it containing much gold and silver, and they zealously dug up the ground about the hearth and the tripod. The man who gave information about the treasure offered as witness the most famous and ancient of poets Homer, who says in a certain passage2:

“Nor all the wealth beneath the stony floor that lies Where Phoebus, archer god, in rocky Pytho dwells.”

But as the soldiers attempted to dig about the tripod, great earthquakes occurred and roused fear in the hearts of the Phocians, and since the gods clearly indicated in advance the punishment they would visit upon the temple-robbers, the soldiers desisted from their efforts. The leader of this sacrilege, the aforementioned Philon, was promptly punished as he deserved for his crime against the god.

57. Although the loss of the sacred property was ascribed entirely to the Phocians, the Athenians and

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αἱρέσεως Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι συμμαχήσαντες τοῖς Φωκεῦσι καὶ οὐ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐκπεμπομένων στρατιωτῶν τοὺς μισθοὺς λαβόντες. 2οὕτω δὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὁ χρόνος οὗτος ἤνεγκεν ἐξαμαρτάνειν εἰς τὸ δαιμόνιον ὥστε μικρὸν ἀνώτερον τῶν Δελφικῶν καιρῶν Ἰφικράτους διατρίβοντος περὶ Κόρκυραν μετὰ ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως καὶ Διονυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίων δυνάστου πέμψαντος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν καὶ Δελφοὺς ἀγάλματα ἐκ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἐλέφαντος δεδημιουργημένα περιτυχὼν ταῖς κομιζούσαις αὐτὰ ναυσὶν ὁ Ἰφικράτης καὶ κρατήσας αὐτῶν διεπέμψατο πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐπερωτῶν Τί χρὴ πράττειν; οἱ δ᾿ Ἀθηναῖοι προσέταξαν αὐτῷ μὴ τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἐξετάζειν, ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖν ὅπως τοὺς 3στρατιώτας διαθρέψει.1 Ἰφικράτης μὲν οὖν ὑπακούσας τῷ δόγματι τῆς πατρίδος ἐλαφυροπώλησε τὸν τῶν θεῶν κόσμον· ὁ δὲ τύραννος ὀργισθεὶς τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιστολὴν τοιαύτην.

“Διονύσιος Ἀθηναίων τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ εὖ μὲν πράττειν οὐκ ἐπιτήδειόν ἐστι γράφειν, ἐπεὶ τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ἱεροσυλεῖτε καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα τὰ εἰς ἀνάθεσιν ὑφ᾿ ἡμῶν τοῖς θεοῖς ἀπεσταλμένα παρελόμενοι κατεκόψατε καὶ περὶ τοὺς μεγίστους τῶν θεῶν ἠσεβήκατε, περὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς καὶ τὸν Δία τὸν Ὀλύμπιον.”

4Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸ θεῖον τοιαῦτ᾿ ἔπραξαν,

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the Lacedaemonians, who were fighting on the side 347/6 b.c. of the Phocians and received pay out of all proportion to the number of soldiers they sent out, shared in the seizure. This period brought it to pass for the Athenians that they sinned against the divine powers to such an extent that, shortly before the Delphian affair,1 as Iphicrates was tarrying near Corcyra with a naval force and Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse had shipped to Olympia and to Delphi statues cunningly wrought in gold and ivory, Iphicrates, chancing to fall in with the ships that were conveying these statues, seized them and sent word to the Athenian people inquiring what he should do with them; whereat the Athenians instructed him not to raise questions about what concerned the gods but to give his attention to seeing that his soldiers were well fed. Now Iphicrates, obeying the decision of his country, sold as booty the works of art belonging to the gods. The tyrant, filled with rage at the Athenians, wrote them a letter of the following tenor:

“Dionysius to the Senate and Assembly of the Athenians: It is inappropriate to wish you to do well since you are committing sacrilege2 against the gods both on land and on sea, and, having made off with the statues which had been sent by us to be dedicated to the gods, you have turned them into coin and have committed impiety toward the greatest of the gods, Apollo, whose abode is Delphi, and Olympian Zeus.”

Such now was the conduct of the Athenians toward

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καὶ ταῦτα εὐχόμενοι τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πατρῷον αὐτῶν εἶναι καὶ πρόγονον· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τῷ περὶ Δελφοὺς μαντείῳ χρησάμενοι καὶ τὴν θαυμαζομένην παρὰ πᾶσι πολιτείαν διὰ τούτου κτησάμενοι καὶ περὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἔτι καὶ νῦν τὸν θεὸν ἐπερωτῶντες ἐτόλμησαν τοῖς τὸ ἱερὸν συλήσασι κοινωνῆσαι τῆς παρανομίας.

58. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Βοιωτίαν οἱ μὲν Φωκεῖς τρεῖς πόλεις ἔχοντες ὠχυρωμένας, Ὀρχομενὸν καὶ Κορώνειαν καὶ Κορσίας, ἐκ τούτων ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς στρατείαν. εὐπορούμενοι δὲ μισθοφόρων τήν τε χώραν ἐδῄουν καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐπιθέσεις 2καὶ συμπλοκὰς περιεγίνοντο τῶν ἐγχωρίων. διόπερ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ θλιβόμενοι μὲν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπολωλεκότες, χρημάτων δὲ ἀπορούμενοι πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον 3ἀξιοῦντες βοηθῆσαι. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἡδέως ὁρῶν τὴν ταπείνωσιν αὐτῶν καὶ βουλόμενος τὰ Λευκτρικὰ φρονήματα συστεῖλαι τῶν Βοιωτῶν ὀλίγους1 ἀπέστειλε στρατιώτας, αὐτὸ μόνον φυλαττόμενος τὸ 4μὴ δοκεῖν2 περιορᾶν τὸ μαντεῖον σεσυλημένον. τῶν δὲ Φωκέων οἰκοδομούντων φρούριον περὶ τὰς ὀνομαζομένας Ἄβας, καθ᾿ ἅς ἐστιν Ἀπόλλωνος ἅγιον ἱερόν, ἐστράτευσαν ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς οἱ Βοιωτοί. εὐθὺ δ᾿ αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν εἰς τὰς ἔγγιστα πόλεις φυγόντες διεσπάρησαν, οἱ δ᾿ εἰς τὸν νεὼ3 τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος

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the divine powers, and that too though they boasted 347/6 b.c. that Apollo was their tutelary god and progenitor.1 And the Lacedaemonians, though they had consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi and through it come to possess their constitution2 which is admired of all the world, though even now they still interrogate the god on matters of supreme importance,3 had the effrontery to become partners in crime of those who pillaged the sanctuary.

58. In Boeotia the Phocians, who held three strongly fortified cities, Orchomenus, Coroneia, and Corsiae,4 conducted from these their campaign against the Boeotians. Being well supplied with mercenaries they pillaged the country and in their thrusts and engagements proved superior to the inhabitants of the place. As a consequence the Boeotians, feeling the pinch of war and the loss of great numbers of their men, but having no financial resources, sent envoys to Philip with a request for assistance. The king, pleased to see their discomfiture and disposed to humble the Boeotians’ pride over Leuctra, dispatched few men, being on his guard against one thing only—lest he be thought to be indifferent to the pillaging of the oracle. As the Phocians were engaged in building a fortress near the place named Abae,5 at which is a holy shrine of Apollo, the Boeotians took the field against them. Some of the Phocians straightway fled to the nearest cities and dispersed, while others took refuge in the

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5καταφυγόντες εἰς πεντακοσίους ἀπώλοντο. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλα θεῖα περὶ τοὺς Φωκεῖς συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ μέλλον λέγεσθαι. οἱ γὰρ εἰς τὸν νεὼ καταφυγόντες ὑπέλαβον διὰ τῆς τῶν θεῶν ἐπικουρίας σωθήσεσθαι, τοὐναντίον δὲ θείᾳ τινὶ προνοίᾳ τῆς 6προσηκούσης τοῖς ἱεροσύλοις τιμωρίας ἔτυχον· πολλῆς γὰρ οὔσης στιβάδος περὶ τὸν νεὼ1 καὶ πυρὸς ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς τῶν πεφευγότων ἀπολελειμμένου συνέβη τῆς στιβάδος ἐκκαυθείσης τοσαύτην ἐξαφθῆναι φλόγα παραδόξως ὥστε τὸν ναὸν καὶ τοὺς καταπεφευγότας εἰς αὐτὸν Φωκεῖς ζῶντας καταφλεχθῆναι. τοῖς γὰρ ἱεροσύλοις ἔδοξε τὸ θεῖον μὴ διδόναι τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἱκεσίας συγχωρουμένην ἀσφάλειαν.

59. Ἐπ᾿ ἄρχοντος δ᾿ Ἀθήνησιν Ἀρχίου Ῥωμαῖοι κατέστησαν ὑπάτους Μάρκον Αἰμίλιον καὶ Τίτον Κοΐνκτιον.2 ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων ὁ Φωκικὸς πόλεμος, διαμείνας ἔτη δέκα, κατελύθη τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. Βοιωτῶν καὶ Φωκέων τεταπεινωμένων διὰ τὸ μῆκος τοῦ πολέμου Φωκεῖς μὲν πρέσβεις ἐξαπέστειλαν εἰς Λακεδαίμονα περὶ βοηθείας, Σπαρτιᾶται δὲ χιλίους ὁπλίτας ἐξέπεμψαν στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσαντες 2Ἀρχίδαμον τὸν βασιλέα. Βοιωτῶν δὲ παραπλησίως τούτοις διαπρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς Φίλιππον περὶ συμμαχίας ὁ Φίλιππος παραλαβὼν τοὺς Θετταλοὺς ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Λοκρίδα μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως.

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temple of Apollo and perished to the number of five 347/6 b.c. hundred. Now many other divine visitations fell to the lot of the Phocians about this period, and in particular the one that I am about to relate. The men who had taken refuge in the temple supposed that their lives would be saved through the intervention of the gods, but on the contrary through some divine Providence1 they met with the punishment temple-robbers well deserve. For there was a quantity of rushes about the temple, and a fire had been left behind in the tents of the men who had fled, with the result that the rushes caught fire and such a great conflagration was touched off so miraculously that the temple was consumed and the Phocians who had fled to it for refuge were burned alive. Indeed it became apparent that the gods do not extend to temple-robbers the protection generally accorded to suppliants.

59. When Archias was archon at Athens, the 346/5 b.c. Romans elected Marcus Aemilius and Titus Quinctius consuls.2 During their term of office the Phocian War, after lasting for ten3 years, was terminated in the following manner. Since the Boeotians and the Phocians were utterly dejected by the length of the war, the Phocians dispatched envoys to Lacedaemon asking for reinforcements, and the Spartans sent a thousand hoplites in charge of whom as general they placed their king Archidamus. Similarly the Boeotians sent an embassy to Philip proposing an alliance, and Philip, after taking over the Thessalians, entered Locris

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καταλαβὼν δὲ Φάλαικον πάλιν τῆς στρατηγίας ἠξιωμένον καὶ τὸ τῶν1 μισθοφόρων ἔχοντα πλῆθος παρεσκευάζετο παρατάξει κρῖναι τὸν πόλεμον· ὁ δὲ Φάλαικος ἐν τῇ Νικαίᾳ διατρίβων καὶ θεωρῶν αὑτὸν οὐκ ἀξιόμαχον ἄντα διεπρεσβεύσατο 3πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα περὶ διαλύσεων. γενομένης δ᾿ ὁμολογίας ὥστε τὸν Φάλαικον μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπελθεῖν ὅποι2 βούλοιτο, οὗτος μὲν ὑπόσπονδος εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἀπεχώρησε3 μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων, ὄντων ὀκτακισχιλίων, οἱ δὲ Φωκεῖς συντριβέντες ταῖς ἐλπίσι παρέδωκαν ἑαυτοὺς τῷ Φιλίππῳ. 4ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἄνευ μάχης ἀνελπίστως καταλύσας τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον συνήδρευε μετὰ Βοιωτῶν καὶ Θετταλῶν. ἔκρινεν οὖν συναγαγεῖν4 τὸ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων συνέδριον καὶ τούτῳ τὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων διάγνωσιν ἐπιτρέψαι.

60. Ἔδοξεν οὖν τοῖς συνέδροις μεταδοῦναι τῷ Φιλίππῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις αὐτοῦ τῆς Ἀμφικτυονίας καὶ δύο ψήφους ἔχειν, ἃς πρότερον οἱ καταπολεμηθέντες Φωκεῖς εἶχον· τῶν δ᾿ ἐπὶ Φωκεῦσι5

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with a large army. And when he had overtaken 346/5 b.c. Phalaecus, who had again been granted the generalship and had the main body of the mercenaries, Philip prepared to decide the war by a pitched battle. But Phalaecus, who was tarrying in Nicaea1 and saw that he was no match for Philip, sent ambassadors to the king to treat for an armistice. An agreement was reached whereby Phalaecus with his men should depart whithersoever he wished, and he then, under terms of the truce, withdrew to the Peloponnese with his mercenaries to the number of eight thousand,2 but the Phocians, whose hopes were now completely crushed, surrendered to Philip. The king, having without a battle unexpectedly terminated the Sacred War, sat in council with the Boeotians and the Thessalians. As a result he decided to call a meeting of the Amphictyonic Council and leave to it the final decision on all the issues at stake.

60. The members of the Council then passed a decree admitting Philip and his descendants to the Amphictyonic Council and according him two votes which formerly had been held by the Phocians,3 now defeated in war. They also voted that the three cities4

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τριῶν πόλεων περιελεῖν τὰ τείχη καὶ μηδεμίαν κοινωνίαν εἶναι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι τοῦ ἱεροῦ μηδὲ τοῦ Ἀμφικτυονικοῦ συνεδρίου· μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ αὐτοῖς μήτε ἵππους μήτε ὅπλα κτήσασθαι, μέχρις ἂν οὗ τὰ χρήματα ἐκτίσωσι τῷ θεῷ τὰ σεσυλημένα· τοὺς δὲ πεφευγότας τῶν Φωκέων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν μετεσχηκότων τῆς ἱεροσυλίας ἐναγεῖς εἶναι καὶ 2ἀγωγίμους πάντοθεν· τὰς δὲ πόλεις ἁπάσας τῶν Φωκέων κατασκάψαι καὶ μετοικίσαι εἰς κώμας, ὧν ἑκάστην μὴ πλεῖον ἔχειν οἰκιῶν πεντήκοντα, μηδ᾿ ἔλαττον διεστάναι1 σταδίου τὰς κώμας ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων· ἔχειν δὲ Φωκεῖς τὴν χώραν καὶ φέρειν κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν τῷ θεῷ φόρον τάλαντα ἑξήκοντα μέχρις ἂν ἐκτίσωσι τὰ ἀπογραφέντα χρήματα κατὰ τὴν ἱεροσυλίαν· τιθέναι δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Πυθίων Φίλιππον μετὰ Βοιωτῶν καὶ Θετταλῶν διὰ τὸ Κορινθίους2 μετεσχηκέναι τοῖς Φωκεῦσι τῆς εἰς τὸ 3θεῖον παρανομίας· τοὺς δὲ Ἀμφικτύονας καὶ τὸν Φίλιππον τὰ ὅπλα τῶν Φωκέων καὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων καταπετροκοπῆσαι καὶ τὰ λείψανα αὐτῶν κατακαῦσαι καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀποδόσθαι. ἀκολούθως δὲ τούτοις διέταξαν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τοῦ μαντείου καὶ τἄλλα πάντα τὰ πρὸς εὐσέβειαν καὶ κοινὴν εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν 4ἀνήκοντα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Φίλιππος μὲν τὰ δεδογμένα τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσι συγκαταστήσας καὶ

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in the possession of the Phocians should have their 346/5 b.c. walls removed and that the Phocians should have no participation in the shrine of Delphi or in the Council of the Amphictyons; that they should not be permitted to acquire either horses or arms until they should have repaid to the god the monies they had pillaged; that those of the Phocians who had fled and any others who had had a share in robbing the sanctuary were to be under a curse and subject to arrest wherever they might be; that all the cities of the Phocians were to be razed and the men moved to villages, no one of which should have more than fifty houses, and the villages were to be not less than a stade distant from one another; that the Phocians were to possess their territory and to pay each year to the god a tribute of sixty talents until they should have paid back the sums entered in the registers at the time of the pillaging of the sanctuary. Philip, furthermore, was to hold the Pythian games together with the Boeotians and Thessalians,1 since the Corinthians had shared with the Phocians in the sacrilege committed against the god. The Amphictyons and Philip were to hurl the arms of the Phocians and their mercenaries down the crags and burn what remained of them and to sell the horses. In similar tenor the Amphictyons laid down regulations for the custody of the oracle and other matters affecting due respect for the gods and the general peace and concord of the Greeks. Thereafter, when Philip had helped the Amphictyons give effect to their decrees and had dealt courteously

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πρὸς πάντας1 φιλοφρονηθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, οὐ μόνον δόξαν εὐσεβείας καὶ ἀρετῆς στρατηγικῆς περιπεποιημένος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν αὔξησιν αὐτῷ γίνεσθαι μεγάλα προκατεσκευασμένος. 5ἐπεθύμει γὰρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ τὸν πρὸς Πέρσας ἐξενεγκεῖν πόλεμον· ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις χρόνοις τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἀναγράψομεν, νῦν δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἱστορίας τρεψόμεθα.

61. Δίκαιον δ᾿ εἶναι νομίζομεν πρῶτον ἀναγράψαι τὴν ἐκ θεῶν γενομένην τοῖς εἰς τὸ μαντεῖον παρανενομηκόσι2 κόλασιν. ὅλως γὰρ οὐ μόνον τοῖς αὐθένταις τῆς ἱεροσυλίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς προσαψαμένοις μόνον τῆς παρανομίας ἀπαραίτητος ἐκ 2τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐπηκολούθησε τιμωρία. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀρχιτέκτων τῆς καταλήψεως τοῦ ἱεροῦ Φιλόμηλος κατά τινα περίστασιν πολεμικὴν ἑαυτὸν κατεκρήμνισεν, ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Ὀνόμαρχος διαδεξάμενος τὴν τῶν ἀπονοηθέντων στρατηγίαν μετὰ τῶν συμπαραταξαμένων ἐν Θετταλίᾳ Φωκέων καὶ 3μισθοφόρων κατακοπεὶς ἐσταυρώθη. ὁ δὲ τρίτος καὶ πλεῖστα τῶν ἀναθημάτων κατακόψας Φάυλλος πολυχρονίῳ νόσῳ νοσήσας οὐδ᾿ ἀπολυθῆναι συντόμως τῆς τιμωρίας ἠδυνήθη. ὁ δ᾿ ἐπὶ πᾶσι Φάλαικος τὰ λείψανα τῆς ἱεροσυλίας ἀναλαβὼν ἐν πλάναις καὶ μεγάλοις φόβοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἐφ᾿ ἱκανὸν χρόνον ἐβίωσεν, οὐχ ἵνα μακαριώτερος γένηται τῶν συνασεβησάντων, ἀλλ᾿ ἵνα πλείω χρόνον

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with all, he returned to Macedonia, having not merely 346/5 b.c. won for himself a reputation for piety and excellent generalship, but having also made important preparations for the aggrandizement that was destined to be his. For he was ambitious to be designated general of Hellas in supreme command and as such to prosecute the war against the Persians. And this was what actually came to pass. But these events we shall record severally in their proper periods; we shall now proceed with the thread of our narrative.

61. But first it is only right, so we think, to record the punishment which was visited by the gods upon those who had committed the outrage on the oracle. For, speaking generally, it was not merely the perpetrators of the sacrilege but all persons who had the slightest connection with the sacrilege that were hounded by the inexorable retribution sent of Heaven. In fact the man who first schemed for the seizure of the shrine, Philomelus, in a crisis of the war hurled himself over a cliff,1 while his brother Onomarchus, after taking over the command of his people, now become desperate, was cut to pieces in a battle in Thessaly, along with the Phocians and mercenaries of his command, and crucified.2 The third in succession and the one who coined into money most of the dedications, Phaÿllus,3 fell ill of a lingering disease and so was unable even to secure a quick release from his punishment. And the last of all, Phalaecus, who had gathered the remnants of the pillaged property, passed his life for a considerable length of time wandering about in great fear and danger, though it was not Heaven’s intent that he should be happier than those who participated with him in the sacrilege, but that

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στρεβλωθεὶς καὶ πολλοῖς διὰ τὴν ἀτυχίαν γενόμενος 4γνώριμος περιβόητον ἔχῃ τὴν συμφοράν. οὗτος γὰρ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς ὁμολογίας1 φυγὴν μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διέτριβεν περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον, συνέχων τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐκ τῶν ἱεροσυληθέντων λειψάνων, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Κορίνθῳ μισθωσάμενος πλοῖα φορτηγὰ μεγάλα καὶ τέσσαρας ἔχων ἡμιολίας παρεσκευάζετο πρὸς τὸν εἰς Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν πλοῦν, νομίζων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ἢ καταλήψεσθαί τινα πόλιν ἢ τεύξεσθαι μισθοφορίας· ἐτύγχανε γὰρ Λευκανοῖς πρὸς Ταραντίνους συνεστηκὼς πόλεμος. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συμπλέοντας ἔφη μετάπεμπτος πλεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας.

62. Ἐκπλεύσαντος δ᾿ αὐτοῦ καὶ πελαγίου γενομένου στρατιῶταί τινες τῶν ἐν τῷ μεγίστῳ πλοίῳ κομιζομένων, ᾧπερ αὐτὸς ὁ Φάλαικος ἐνέπλει, λόγον ἀλλήλοις ἐδίδοσαν ὑπονοοῦντες μηδένα μεταπέμψασθαι σφᾶς· οὔτε γὰρ ἡγεμόνας ἑώρων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων συμπλέοντας οὔθ᾿ ὁ πλοῦς ἦν 2ὀλίγος, ἀλλὰ πολὺς ὑπέκειτο2 καὶ χαλεπός. διόπερ ἀπιστοῦντες ἅμα τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ φοβούμενοι τὴν διαπόντιον στρατείαν συνίσταντο καὶ μάλισθ᾿ οἱ τὰς ἡγεμονίας ἔχοντες τῶν μισθοφόρων. τέλος δὲ σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη καὶ καταπληξάμενοι τόν τε Φάλαικον καὶ τὸν κυβερνήτην ἠνάγκασαν εἰς τοὐπίσω πάλιν ἀποπλεῖν. τὸ δ᾿ αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις πλοίοις κομιζομένων ποιησάντων κατέπλευσαν

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by being tortured longer and by becoming known to 6/5 b.c. many for his misfortunes, his sad fate might become notorious. For when he had taken flight with his mercenaries following the agreement,1 he first sojourned in the Peloponnese, supporting his men on the last remnants of the pillaging, but later he hired in Corinth some large freighters and with four light vessels prepared for the voyage to Italy and Sicily, thinking that in these regions he would either seize some city or obtain service for pay, for a war was in progress, as it chanced, between the Lucanians and the Tarentines. To his fellow passengers he said that he was making the voyage because he had been summoned by the people of Italy and Sicily.

62. When he had sailed out of the harbour and was on the high seas, some of the soldiers who were in the largest ship, on which Phalaecus himself was a passenger, conferred with one another because they suspected that no one had sent for them. For they could see on board no officers sent by the peoples who were soliciting aid, and the voyage in prospect was not short, but long and dangerous. Accordingly, since they not only distrusted what they had been told but also feared the overseas campaign, they conspired together, above all those who had commands among the mercenary troops. Finally drawing their swords and menacing Phalaecus and the pilot they forced them to reverse their course. And when those who were sailing in the other boats also did the same, they

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3εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον. ἀθροισθέντες δ᾿ εἰς Μαλέαν ἄκραν τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἐκεῖ κατέλαβον ἐκ Κρήτης καταπεπλευκότας Κνωσσίους πρέσβεις ἐπὶ συναγωγῇ μισθοφόρων· ὧν διαλεχθέντων τῷ τε Φαλαίκῳ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ δόντων ἀξιολόγους τοὺς μισθοὺς μετὰ τούτων ἅπαντες ἐξέπλευσαν. κατάραντες δὲ τῆς Κρήτης εἰς Κνωσσὸν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου πόλιν κατελάβοντο τὴν καλουμένην Λύκτον. 4τοῖς δὲ Λυκτίοις ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐκπεπτωκόσι παράδοξος καὶ σύντομος ἐφάνη βοήθεια. περὶ γὰρ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους Ταραντίνων διαπολεμούντων πρὸς Λευκανοὺς καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ὄντας προγόνους ἑαυτῶν πεμψάντων πρέσβεις περὶ βοηθείας οἱ μὲν Σπαρτιᾶται διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν προθύμως ἔχοντες συμμαχῆσαι ταχέως δύναμιν ἤθροιζον πεζικήν τε καὶ ναυτικὴν καὶ ταύτης στρατηγὸν ἀπέδειξαν Ἀρχίδαμον τὸν βασιλέα· μελλόντων δ᾿ ἀπαίρειν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἠξίωσαν οἱ Λύκτιοι πρῶτον αὐτοῖς βοηθῆσαι· οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πεισθέντες καὶ πλεύσαντες εἰς τὴν Κρήτην τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἐνίκησαν, τοῖς δὲ Λυκτίοις ἀνέσωσαν τὴν πατρίδα.

63. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Ἀρχίδαμος πλεύσας εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ συμμαχήσας τοῖς Ταραντίνοις ἔν τινι μάχῃ διαγωνισάμενος λαμπρῶς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἀνὴρ κατὰ μὲν τὴν στρατηγίαν καὶ τὸν ἄλλον βίον ἐπαινούμενος, κατὰ δὲ τὴν πρὸς Φωκεῖς συμμαχίαν μόνην βλασφημούμενος, ὡς μάλιστ᾿ αἴτιος γεγονὼς 2τῆς τῶν Δελφῶν καταλήψεως. Ἀρχίδαμος μὲν οὖν ἐβασίλευσε τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἔτη τρία πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι, τὴν δ᾿ ἀρχὴν διαδεξάμενος Ἆγις ὁ

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put in again at a Peloponnesian harbour. Then they 346/5 b.c. gathered at the Malean promontory in Laconia and there found Cnossian envoys who had sailed in from Crete to enlist mercenaries. After these envoys had conversed with Phalaecus and the commanders and had offered rather high pay, they all sailed off with them. Having made port at Cnossus in Crete, they immediately took by storm the city called Lyctus.1 But to the Lyctians, who had been expelled from their native land, there appeared a miraculous and sudden reinforcement. For at about the same time the people of Tarentum were engaged in prosecuting a war against the Lucanians and had sent to the Lacedaemonians, who were the stock of their ancestors, envoys soliciting help, whereupon the Spartans, who were willing to join them because of their relationship, quickly assembled an army and navy and as general in command of it appointed King Archidamus. But as they were about to set sail for Italy, a request came from the Lyctians to help them first. Consenting to this, the Lacedaemonians sailed to Crete, defeated the mercenaries and restored to the Lyctians their native land.

63. After this Archidamus sailed to Italy and joined forces with the Tarentines but lost his life fighting gallantly in battle. He was praised for his ability as general and for his conduct on the whole, though in the matter of the Phocian alliance alone he was severely criticized as the one who was chiefly responsible for the seizure of Delphi. Now Archidamus was king of the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years, and Agis

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υἱὸς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη δεκαπέντε. ἔπειτα οἱ μὲν Ἀρχίδάμου μισθοφόροι μετεσχηκότες τῆς τοῦ μαντείου συλήσεως ὑπὸ τῶν Λευκανῶν κατηκοντίσθησαν, ὁ δὲ Φάλαικος ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ τῆς Λύκτου 3Κυδωνίαν πολιορκεῖν ἐπεχείρησεν. κατασκευάσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ μηχανὰς πολιορκητικὰς καὶ προσάγοντος τῇ πόλει κεραυνῶν πεσόντων αὗται μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου πυρὸς κατεφλέχθησαν, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων πολλοὶ παραβοηθοῦντες ταῖς μηχαναῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς διεφθάρησαν· ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς 4Φάλαικος. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν αὐτὸν προσκόψαντά τινι τῶν μισθοφόρων ὑπὸ τούτου σφαγῆναι. οἱ δὲ περιλειφθέντες τῶν μισθοφόρων ἀναληφθέντες ὑπὸ Ἠλείων φυγάδων εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐκομίσθησαν καὶ μετὰ τούτων ἐπολέμουν πρὸς Ἠλείους. 5Ἀρκάδων δὲ συναγωνισαμένων τοῖς Ἠλείοις καὶ μάχῃ νικησάντων τοὺς φυγάδας πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν μισθοφόρων ἀνῃρέθησαν, οἱ δὲ περιλειφθέντες εἰς τετρακισχιλίους ἐζωγρήθησαν. διελομένων δὲ τῶν τε Ἀρκάδων καὶ Ἠλείων τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους οἱ μὲν Ἀρκάδες τοὺς ἑαυτοῖς μερισθέντας ἅπαντας ἐλαφυροπώλησαν, οἱ δ᾿ Ἠλεῖοι διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸ μαντεῖον παρανομίαν ἀπέσφαξαν.

64. Οἱ μὲν οὖν τῆς τῆς ἱεροσυλίας μετασχόντες τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ὑπὸ τοῦ δαιμονίου τιμωρίας ἠξιώθησαν. αἱ δ᾿ ἐπισημόταται πόλεις κοινωνήσασαι

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his son succeeded to the throne and ruled for fifteen1 346/5 b.c. years. After the death of Archidamus his mercenaries, who had participated in plundering the shrine, were shot down by the Lucanians, whereas Phalaecus, now that he had been driven out of Lyctus, attempted to besiege Cydonia. He had constructed siege engines and was bringing them up against the city when lightning descended and these structures were consumed by the divine fire, and many of the mercenaries in attempting to save the engines perished in the flames. Among them was the general Phalaecus. But some say that he offended one of the mercenaries and was slain by him. The mercenaries who survived were taken into their service by Eleian exiles, were then transported to the Peloponnese, and with these exiles were engaged in war against the people of Elis.2 When the Arcadians joined the Eleians in the struggle and defeated the exiles in battle, many of the mercenaries were slain and the remainder, about four thousand, were taken captive. After the Arcadians and the Eleians had divided up the prisoners, the Arcadians sold as booty all who had been apportioned to them, while the Eleians executed their portion because of the outrage committed against the oracle.

64. Now the participants in the sacrilege met in this fashion with their just retribution from the deity. And the most renowned cities because of their part

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τῆς παρανομίας ὕστερον ὑπ᾿ Ἀντιπάτρου καταπολεμηθεῖσαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἅμα καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν 2ἀπέβαλον. αἱ δὲ τῶν ἐν Φωκεῦσιν ἡγεμόνων γυναῖκες περιθέμεναι τοὺς χρυσοῦς ἐκ Δελφῶν ὅρμους οἰκείας τῆς ἀσεβείας τιμωρίας ἔτυχον· ἡ μὲν γὰρ τὸν τῆς Ἑλένης γεγενημένον φορέσασα εἰς ἑταιρικὴν αἰσχύνην ἐνέπεσε καὶ τὸ κάλλος προέβαλε τοῖς ἐξυβρίζειν προαιρουμένοις, ἡ δὲ τὸν τῆς Ἐριφύλης περιθεμένη τῆς οἰκίας ὑπὸ τοῦ πρεσβυτάτου τῶν υἱῶν ὑπὸ μανίας ἐμπυρισθείσης μετὰ ταύτης ζῶσα κατεφλέχθη. οἱ μὲν οὖν τοῦ δαιμονίου καταφρονεῖν τολμήσαντες τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον ὑπὸ τῶν 3θεῶν τιμωρίας ἠξιώθησαν, ὁ δὲ τῷ1 μαντείῳ βοηθήσας Φίλιππος ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν χρόνων ἀεὶ μᾶλλον αὐξόμενος τὸ τελευταῖον διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸ θεῖον εὐσέβειαν ἡγεμὼν ἀπεδείχθη τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάσης καὶ μεγίστην βασιλείαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην περιεποιήσατο.

Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀρκούντως διεληλυθότες τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον ἐπάνιμεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἑτερογενεῖς πράξεις.

65. Κατὰ γὰρ τὴν Σικελίαν Συρακόσιοι στασιάζοντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ τυραννίσι πολλαῖς καὶ ποικίλαις δουλεύειν ἀναγκαζόμενοι πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς Κόρινθον, ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοῖς ἀποστεῖλαι στρατηγὸν τὸν ἐπιμελησόμενον τῆς πόλεως καὶ καταλύσοντα τὴν τῶν τυραννεῖν ἐπιβαλομένων πλεονεξίαν. 2οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες δίκαιον εἶναι τοῖς ἀπογόνοις

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in the outrage were later defeated in war by Antipater,1 346/5 b.c. and lost at one and the same time their leadership and their freedom. The wives of the Phocian commanders who had worn the gold necklaces taken from Delphi met with punishment befitting their impiety. For one of them who had worn the chain which had belonged to Helen of Troy sank to the shameful life of a courtesan and flung her beauty before any who chose wantonly to abuse it, and another, who put on the necklace of Eriphylê,2 had her house set on fire by her eldest son in a fit of madness and was burned alive in it. Thus those who had the effrontery to flout the deity met just retribution in the manner I have described at the hands of the gods, while Philip who rallied to the support of the oracle added continually to his strength from that time on and finally because of his reverence for the gods was appointed commander of all Hellas and acquired for himself the largest kingdom in Europe.

Now that we have reported in sufficient detail the events of the Sacred War, we shall return to events of a different nature.

65. In Sicily3 the Syracusans, who were engaged in civil strife and were forced to live as slaves under many varied tyrannies, sent ambassadors to Corinth with the request that the Corinthians should dispatch to them as general a man who would administer their city and curb the ambitions of those who aimed to become tyrants. The Corinthians, concluding that it

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βοηθεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν στρατηγὸν Τιμολέοντα Τιμαινέτου,1 πρωτεύοντα τῶν πολιτῶν ἀνδρείᾳ τε καὶ συνέσει στρατηγικῇ καὶ καθόλου πάσαις ταῖς ἀρεταῖς κεκοσμημένον. ἴδιον δέ τι συνέβη περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα συμπεσεῖν, ὃ συνελάβετο αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν 3τῆς στρατηγίας αἵρεσιν. Τιμοφάνης γὰρ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ προέχων τῶν Κορινθίων πλούτῳ τε καὶ τόλμῃ πάλαι μὲν ἦν φανερὸς τυραννίδος ὀρεγόμενος, τότε δὲ τοὺς ἀπόρους ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ πανοπλίας2 κατασκευαζόμενος καὶ τοὺς πονηροτάτους ἔχων μεθ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν περιῄει, οὐ προσποιούμενος ὅτι τύραννός ἐστι, τὰ δὲ τῆς τυραννίδος 4ἔργα διαπραττόμενος. ὁ δὲ Τιμολέων ἀλλοτριώτατος ὢν μοναρχίας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεχείρει πείθειν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀποστῆναι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ὡς δ᾿ οὐχ ὑπήκουεν, ἀλλ᾿ αἰεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπετείνετο τῇ τόλμῃ, ἀδυνατῶν αὐτὸν λόγῳ διορθώσασθαι περιπατοῦντα3 5κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀπέσφαξεν. θορύβου δὲ γενομένου καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν συνδραμόντων διά τε τὸ παράδοξον καὶ τὴν δεινότητα τῆς πράξεως στάσις ἐγίνετο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔφασαν δεῖν ὡς ἐμφύλιον φόνον πεπραχότα τὸν Τιμολέοντα τυγχάνειν τῆς ἐκ τῶν νόμων τιμωρίας, οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἀπεφαίνοντο 6δεῖν4 ἐπαινεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα ὡς τυραννοκτόνον. τῆς δὲ γερουσίας συνεδρευούσης ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ

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was only right to assist people who were offshoots of 346/5 b.c. themselves,1 voted to send as general Timoleon, son of Timaenetus, a man of highest prestige amongst his fellow citizens for bravery and sagacity as a general and, in a word, splendidly equipped with every virtue. A peculiar coincidence befell him which contributed toward his being chosen to the generalship. Timophanes, his brother, a man of outstanding wealth and effrontery amongst the Corinthians, had for some time past been clearly aiming at a tyranny and at the moment was winning the poor to his cause and laying up a store of suits of armour and parading about the market-place accompanied by a band of ruffians, not actually claiming to be tyrant but practising the arts of tyranny. Timoleon, who was much averse to the rule of one man, first attempted to dissuade his brother from his overt attempt, but when the latter refused to heed and continued all the more his headstrong career, Timoleon, being unable by reasoning with him to make him mend his ways, put him to death as he was promenading in the market-place.2 A scuffle ensued and a mob of citizens came surging up stirred by the surprising character and the enormity of the deed, and dissension broke out. One side claimed that as the perpetrator of a kin-murder Timoleon should receive the punishment prescribed by the laws, whereas the other party asserted just the opposite, that they should applaud him as a tyrannicide. When the senate met to deliberate in the

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τῆς περὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀμφισβητήσεως ἐπὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἀναπεμφθείσης οἱ μὲν ἐχθροὶ τοῦ Τιμολέοντος κατηγόρουν, οἱ δὲ χαριέστεροι συνηγοροῦντες συνεβούλευον 7σώζειν τὸν ἄνδρα. ἀκρίτου δ᾿ ἔτι τῆς ζητήσεως οὔσης κατέπλευσαν ἐκ τῶν Συρακουσσῶν οἱ πρέσβεις καὶ τῇ γερουσίᾳ τὰς ἐντολὰς δηλώσαντες ἠξίουν τὴν ταχίστην ἀποστεῖλαι τὸν 8στρατηγόν. ἔδοξεν οὖν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πέμπειν τὸν Τιμολέοντα καὶ πρὸς τὸ κατορθῶσαι τὴν πρᾶξιν ξένας τινὰς καὶ παραδόξους αἱρέσεις αὐτῷ προέθηκαν· διεβεβαιώσαντο γάρ, ἐὰν μὲν καλῶς ἄρξῃ τῶν Συρακοσίων, κρίνειν αὐτὸν τυραννοκτόνον, ἐὰν 9δὲ πλεονεκτικώτερον, ἀδελφοῦ φονέα. ὁ δὲ Τιμολέων οὐχ οὕτω διὰ τὸν ἐπικρεμασθέντα φόβον ὑπὸ τῆς γερουσίας ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν καλῶς καὶ συμφερόντως προέστη τῶν κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν πραγμάτων· Καρχηδονίους μὲν γὰρ κατεπολέμησε, τὰς δὲ κατεσκαμμένας ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις ἀπεκατέστησεν εἰς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατάστασιν,1 πᾶσαν δὲ Σικελίαν ἠλευθέρωσε, καθόλου δὲ τὰς Συρακούσσας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας2 Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις παραλαμβάνων ἐρήμους ἐποίησε πολυανθρωπίᾳ διενεγκεῖν.

Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τὰ κατὰ μέρος μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις χρόνοις ἀναγράψομεν, νῦν δ᾿ ἐπὶ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἱστορίας μεταβιβάσομεν τὸν λόγον.

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council chamber and the matter in dispute was referred 346/5 b.c. to the session, Timoleon’s personal enemies denounced him, while those more favourably inclined rallied to his cause and counselled letting him go free. While the investigation was still unsettled there sailed into the harbour from Syracuse the ambassadors who, having made known their mission to the senate, requested them to dispatch with all speed the general they needed. The session accordingly voted to send Timoleon and, in order to ensure the success of the project, they proposed a strange and amazing alternative to him. They affirmed categorically that if he ruled the Syracusans fairly, they adjudged him a tyrannicide, but if too ambitiously, a murderer of his brother.1 Timoleon, not so much in fear of the threat imposed on him by the senate as because of his native virtue, administered the government in Sicily fairly and profitably. For he subdued in war the Carthaginians, restored to their original state the Greek cities which had been razed by the barbarians, and made all Sicily independent; in a word, having found Syracuse and the other Greek cities depopulated when he took them over, he made them notably populous.

These matters, however, we shall record severally below in their proper periods; now we shall return to the thread of our narrative.

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422

Index of Names

  • Abae in Phocis, 343, 401
  • Abdera, -ites, 47, 494
  • Acarnania, -ians, 33, 49
  • Acê in Phoenicia, 63
  • Achaeans (Phthiotian), 175, 187, 319
  • Achaïa or Achaeans, 33, 832, 853, 872, 89, 1612, 189, 323, 339
  • Achradina, quarter of Syracuse, 269
  • Acoris, Egyptian king 392–381, 23
  • Acragas, 2652
  • Actê (promontory), 33
  • Adriatic Sea, 249, 267, 271
  • Aegae, old capital of Macedonia, 2432
  • Aemilius, Lucius (mil. tr., cos.), 89, 119, 235
  • Aemilius, Lucius . . . Mamercus (cos.), 179
  • Aemilius, Marcus (cos.), 403
  • Aenianians, 189, 319
  • Aeschines of Sphettus, 163
  • Aethiopia, 381
  • Aetolians, 111
  • Agamemnon, 135
  • Agathocles (archon), 261
  • Agesilaüs, king of Sparta 400–360, 7, 33, 352. 373, 393, 413, 433, 99, 105, 107, 117, 183, 199, 2112, 213, 2154, 2172
  • Agesipolis, king of Sparta 393–381, 92
  • Agesipolis, king of Sparta 371–370, 119
  • Agis, king of Paeonians, 245
  • Agis, “king of Sparta” of doubtful authenticity, 183
  • Agis II, king of Sparta 338–331, 413
  • Alcetas, king of Molossians, 49
  • Alcidas, Spartan commander, 75
  • Alcisthenes, archon, 88
  • Aleuadae, 121, 277
  • Alexander, Spartan leader, 129
  • Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, 1213, 123, 139, 1493, 1512, 159, 161, 1733, 1752, 177, 2194, 277
  • Alexander II, son of Amyntas, king of Macedon 370–368, 1192, 121, 139, 141, 149, 237
  • Alexander III (the Great), son of Philip II, king of Macedon 336–323, 2352, 279, 397
  • Alorus, 149, 165, 239
  • Alpheius River, 345
  • Amphictyons, or Amphictyonic Council, 235, 3013, 3034, 3053, 3072, 3173, 3194, 321, 323, 327, 3292, 4053, 4074
  • Amphipolis, 241, 245, 259
  • Amphissans, 331
  • Amyntas III, king of Macedonia 393–369, 53, 1172. 149, 233, 235, 2374
  • Anaxander, Lacedaemonian commander, 347
  • Anaximenes of Lampsacus, historian, 163, 201
  • Anaxis, Boeotian historian, 221
  • Andromachus, tyrant of Tauromenium, 253
  • Anthestius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Antipater, regent of Alexander, 417
  • Antisthenes of Athens, 163
  • Apollo (Phoebus), 315, 329, 397, 399, 4013, 403
  • Apollodorus (archon), 365
  • Apulia, 249
  • Aquilius (mil. tr.), 9
  • Arabia, 213 371
423
  • Aradians, 351
  • Arcadia, -ians, 33, 73, 1152, 1172. 1234, 1252, 1292, 131, 1332, 139, 141, 1534, 1653, 1672, 179, 1812, 187, 1892, 2172, 347, 4153
  • Archias (archon), 403
  • Archidamus, king of Sparta 361–338, 1052, 3053, 345, 403, 4133, 415
  • Arethusa, fountain in Syracuse, 289
  • Argaeus, claimant to Macedonian throne, 239, 241, 2433
  • Arginusae, 45
  • Argolas, hill in Locris, 323
  • Argos, Argives, 11, 59, 61, 89, 1132, 117, 1232, 125, 127, 141, 147, 1612, 187, 189, 333, 3453, 359, 367, 373
  • Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, 203
  • Aristazanes, Persian officer, 369
  • Aristippus of Cyrenê, 163
  • Aristocrates, Spartan commander, 75
  • Aristodemus (archon), 339
  • Aristomenes, Messenian leader, 1372
  • Aristotle, 163
  • Arrhidaeus, father of Amyntas, 117
  • Artabazus, general of Artaxerxes II, 2073, 209, 2993, 3312, 383, 385
  • Artaxerxes I, King of Persia 465/4–425/4, 213
  • Artaxerxes II (Mnemon), King of Persia 405/4–362/1, 53, 61, 91, 147, 201, 203, 207, 209, 211, 213
  • Artaxerxes III (Ochus), King of Persia 362/1–339/8, 213, 331, 347, 3493, 351, 3532, 355, 3575, 3593, 3612, 3635, 3652, 367, 3692. 371, 375, 3775, 3797, 3812, 3854
  • Artemis, 313
  • Artemisia of Caria, 337, 365
  • Asia, -iatic or Asia Minor, 35, 69, 147, 201, 203, 211, 217, 235, 3312, 349, 359, 3672, 381, 383, 387
  • Asteius (archon), 81
  • Atarneus, city of Asia Minor, 385
  • Athamanians, 319
  • Athanas of Syracuse, historian, 219
  • Athens, -ians, passim
  • Attica, Attic, 29, 79, 125, 133, 219
  • Autocles, Athenian commander, 1492
  • Autophradates, satrap of Lydia, 205
  • Babylon, 91, 353, 357, 383
  • Bagoas, Persian officer, 369, 371, 375, 3773, 3797, 381, 383
  • Barathra, Egyptian marsh, 3672
  • Bardylis, king of the Illyrians, 245, 247
  • Belesys, satrap of Syria, 353
  • Black Sea, 179, 325
  • Boeotia, -ians, passim
  • Bosporus, 325
  • Bruttians, 2812
  • Bubastus in Egypt, 3773, 379, 381
  • Bura in Achaïa, 83, 87
  • Byzantium, -ians, 21, 169, 2572, 295, 2973
  • Cadmeia, acropolis of Thebes, 3, 53, 152, 192, 177, 301, 319
  • Caesar (Augustus), 255
  • Calleas (archon), 21
  • Callias, Phocian commander, 395
  • Callimachus (archon), 383
  • Callimedes (archon), 235
  • Callippus, friend of Plato and Dion, 325, 3393, 365
  • Callisthenes, historian, nephew of Aristotle, 279
  • Callistratus (archon), 301
  • Callistratus, Athenian statesman, 27, 53
  • Calydon, 161
  • Camarina, 265
  • Cappadocia, 2072
  • Cardia on Chersonesus, 333
  • Caria, 2052, 257, 337, 355, 365
  • Carthage, -inians, 136, 1553, 157, 249, 265, 421
  • Caulonia in Italy, 271
  • Cedon, Athenian commander, 453
  • Celts, 145
  • Cenchreae, 141
  • Cephallenia, 49, 137, 253, 265
  • Cephision, Theban general, 345
  • Cephisodorus (archon), 161
  • Cephisodotus (archon), 251
  • Cephisus River in Boeotia, 341
  • Cersobleptes. king of Thrace 360–341, 333
424
  • Chabrias, Athenian general, 254, 27, 31, 37, 412. 43, 452, 47, 49, 141, 1454, 199, 211, 2572
  • Chaeroneia, 331, 345, 347
  • Chalcidicê, 387
  • Chaldaeans, 91
  • Chares, Athenian commander, 161, 2212, 2572, 295, 2973, 2994, 3312, 333, 337
  • Charicleides (archon), 179
  • Charisander (archon), 47
  • Chersonesus, 333
  • Chion (archon), 163
  • Chios, Chians, 21, 169, 245, 2573, 295, 2972
  • Cilicia, -ians, 205, 353, 355
  • Cimon, Athenian general, 199
  • Cirrhaean Plain, 301
  • Cissides, Syracusan commander, 81
  • Clearchus of Heracleia, 179, 337
  • Cleinius, Coan mercenary general, 3732
  • Cleombrotus, king of Sparta 381–371, 9, 27, 39, 57, 952, 101, 105, 107, 109
  • Cleomenes, king of Sparta 370–336, 119
  • Cnidos, 47
  • Cnossus, 413
  • Cocalus, early king of Acragas, 265
  • Coelius, Publius (mil. tr.), 111
  • Conon, Athenian general, 69, 79, 197
  • Corcyra, -aeans, 753, 772, 795, 81, 221 399
  • Corinth, -ians, 11, 33, 592, 1413, 1432, 1453, 151, 157, 2532, 407, 411, 4173, 419
  • Cornelius, Aulus (mil. tr.), 163
  • Cornelius, Gaius (mil. tr., cos.), 119, 393
  • Cornelius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 11
  • Cornelius, Marcus (mil. tr., cos.), 13, 163
  • Cornelius, Publius (mil. tr.), 3, 7
  • Cornelius, Servius (mil. tr.), 61, 147, 161, 167
  • Cornelius, Titus (mil tr.), 21
  • Coroneia, 97, 99, 335, 341, 393, 401
  • Corsiae in Boeotia (?), 401
  • Coryphasium in Messenia, 165
  • Cos, Coans, 161, 2572, 295
  • Cotys, king of Thrace, 333
  • Crannon, 121
  • Crenides in Thrace, 243, 261
  • Cresphontes, early Icing of Messenia, 1352
  • Crete, -ans, 1833. 265, 4132
  • Crinippus, Syracusan commander, 81
  • Croesus, king of Lydia, 395, 397
  • Cronion in Pisatis, 165
  • Ctesicles, Athenian general, 75, 79
  • Cyclades, 31, 219
  • Cydonia in Crete, 415
  • Cyparissia in Messenia, 165
  • Cyparissus in Phocis, 303
  • Cyprus, 81, 3492, 353, 3554. 357, 365, 367
  • Cyrenê, 217, 235, 387
  • Cyzicus, 179
  • Daedalus, 265
  • Damon of Thurii, Olympic victor, 47, 89
  • Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, 2073, 2094
  • Deinocrates, Phocian commander, 395
  • Deinomenes, Sicilian, father of Gelon, 199
  • Delphi, -ians, passim
  • Demophilus (archon), 7
  • Demophilus, historian, son of Ephorus, 279
  • Demophon, Athenian commander, 172
  • Demosthenes, 389
  • Dion of Syracuse, 219, 2514, 2633, 2653, 2672, 2693, 271, 2732, 2753, 277, 2833, 2854, 2873, 2934, 2953, 325, 3392
  • Dionysius I, tyrant of Syracuse 405–367, 11, 81, 145, 155, 1574, 179, 251, 253, 339, 3992
  • Dionysius II, tyrant of Syracuse 367–357, 159, 201, 249, 2512, 263, 267, 269, 2712, 273, 2753, 281, 2833, 2852, 287, 365
  • Dionysodorus, Boeotian historian, 221
  • Dionysodorus of Tarentum, Olympian victor, 9
  • Dionysus, -ia, 59, 337
  • Diophantus, Athenian mercenary general, 373
  • Diotimus (archon), 317
425
  • Diyllus of Athens, historian, 279
  • Dodona, 153
  • Dolopians, 319
  • Doris, -ians, 319, 331
  • Duris of Samos, historian, 119
  • Dymê in Achaïa, 161
  • Dysnicetus (archon), 111
  • Earth goddess, 311
  • Echecrates, Thessalian, 313
  • Egypt, -ians, 23, 253, 53, 61, 635, 652, 674, 693, 71, 203, 209, 2114, 2135, 2155, 217, 3496, 353, 3572, 3592, 361, 363, 3672, 3712, 3733, 3774, 379, 381, 3832
  • Elis, Eleians, 9, 33, 47, 89, 123, 125, 129, 141, 147, 1657, 1675, 181, 187, 189, 1912, 217, 4155
  • Elpines (archon), 279
  • Entella in Sicily, 155
  • Epameinondas, Theban commander, passim
  • Ephesus, 85
  • Ephorus, historian, 119, 279
  • Epidaurus, 143
  • Epistrophus, Homeric Phocian king, 303
  • Erenucius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Eretria, 161
  • Eriphylê, 417
  • Eryx, Erycini, 1552
  • Etesian winds, 69
  • Etruscans, 339
  • Euboea, -ans, 29, 312, 149, 189, 191, 195, 2552
  • Eucharistus (archon), 245
  • Eudamidas, Spartan commander, 52, 7
  • Euphron of Sicyon, 147
  • Europe, 233, 249, 263, 387, 417
  • Eurotas River, 131
  • Euthycrates of Olynthus, 389
  • Evagoras, king of Cyprus 411/0–374/3, 81
  • Evagoras II, king of Cyprus c. 360–351, 3552, 3652, 367
  • Evander (archon), 3
  • Fabius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 3
  • Fabius, Marcus (mil. tr., cos.), 81, 163, 261, 301, 327, 347
  • Faliscans, 32522
  • Furius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 81, 111, 161
  • Furius, Marcus (mil. tr.), 7, 13, 81
  • Gela, 265
  • Gelon, Sicilian tyrant, 199
  • Genucius, Gnacus (cos.), 235
  • Genucius, Lucius (cos.), 201
  • Genucius, Quintus (cos.), 245
  • Gorgidas, Theban leader, 55, 93
  • Greece or Hellas, Greeks or Hellenes, passim
  • Halicarnassus, 205
  • Hegesileôs, Athenian commander, 187
  • Helen of Troy, 417
  • Helicê in Achaïa and inhabitants, 83, 852, 87
  • Helissus in Arcadia, 347
  • Hellas, Hellenes, passim
  • Hellespont, 297, 333, 387
  • Helots, 133, 137
  • Heraclcia, -ians, on Black Sea, 1792, 337
  • Heracleia in Trachinia, 111
  • Heracleidae, 135
  • Heracleides, Syracusan commander, 2532, 283, 285
  • Heracles, 103, 107, 171, 359
  • Heraea, 59
  • Hermeias of Methymnê, historian, 51
  • Hermias, tyrant of Atarneus, 3853
  • Hestiaca, -ans, -otis, 292, 313
  • Hexapyla at Syracuse, 293
  • Hipparinus of Syracuse, father of Dion, 2512, 263
  • Hipparinus of Syracuse, son of Dionysius I, 251, 3392
  • Hippodamus (archon), 51
  • Hipponium, -atae, 13, 281
  • Homer, 303, 397
  • Hya or Hyampolis in Boeotia, 393
  • Iberians, 145
  • Idrieus, despot of Caria, 3552, 365
  • Illyria, -ians, 233, 235, 2372, 2393, 2454, 2474, 2492, 2572, 299
  • Imbros, 297
  • Ionia, 853, 872, 205, 369
  • Ionian Sea, 249
  • Iphicrates, Athenian general, 252, 612, 63, 65, 674, 694, 81, 1272, 199, 295, 2972, 3993
  • Ischolas, Spartan commander, 129
  • Island of Ortygia in Syracuse, 271, 275
426
  • Ismenias, Theban commander, 1492
  • Isocrates, 163
  • Italy, 13, 47, 86, 265, 271, 2812, 2852, 365, 4112, 4132
  • Ithomê, Mt., 137
  • Jason, tyrant of Pherae, 31, 105, 111, 1173, 119
  • Julius, Lucius (mil tr.), 9
  • Julius, Tiberius (mil. tr.), 93
  • King of the Persians, see under Artaxerxes II and III
  • Lacedaemon, -ians, passim
  • Laches, Athenian general, 169
  • Laconia, -ian, 95, 125, 127, 129, 133, 139, 183, 413
  • Lacratcs, Theban general, 359, 369, 3753, 377
  • Lamius, Spartan mercenary general, 373
  • Lampsacus, 163, 201
  • Larissa, -aeans, 1215, 139
  • Lasion in Triphylia, 1653
  • Lasthenes of Olynthus, 389
  • Lavinius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Leandrias, Spartan, 103
  • Lebadeia, 103
  • Lechaeum, 141
  • Lemnos, 297
  • Lenaea, 157
  • Leonidas, Spartan king, 129
  • Leontini, -ians, 2833, 287, 293, 339
  • Leosthenes, Athenian commander, 219, 221
  • Leptines of Syracuse, 365
  • Leucae, town in Asia at mouth of Hermus, 211
  • Leucas, 51
  • Leucon, king of Bosporus, 325
  • Leuctra, -ian, 39, 1012, 1032, 105, 111, 117, 125, 153, 163, 177, 197, 301, 319, 401
  • Leuctrus, 1032
  • Libyans, 133, 155, 371, 373
  • Licinius, Gaius (mil. tr., cos.), 111, 219, 251
  • Lilybaeum, 155
  • Locri in Italy, -ian, 251, 287
  • Locris, -ians, 33, 1112, 125, 189, 3073, 3095, 315, 3172, 319, 3214, 343, 403
  • Lucania, -ians, 249, 281, 411, 413, 415
  • Lucius (mil. tr.), 9
  • Lucius, Quintus (mil. tr.), 21
  • Lucretius (mil. tr.), 53
  • Lucretius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 9, 81
  • Lychnitis, lake boundary of Macedonia, 257
  • Lycians, 205
  • Lycomedes of Mantineia, 115, 123, 139
  • Lycophron of Pherae, 277, 333, 3354, 341, 345
  • Lyctus in Crete, -ians, 4134, 415
  • Lydia, -ians, 205, 369, 395
  • Lysistratus (archon), 119
  • Macedonia, -ians, passim
  • Maemilius, Gnaeus . . . Imperiosus (cos.), 281
  • Maenalians, 153
  • Magi, 369
  • Magnesians of Thessaly, 175, 319
  • Malean promontory, 413
  • Malian, -s, 113, 189, 281
  • Manius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Manius, Publius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Manlius, Aulus (mil. tr.), 7, 11
  • Manlius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Manlius, Gnacus (cos.), 317
  • Manlius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 51
  • Manlius, Marcus, 47
  • Manlius, Paulus (mil. tr.), 161
  • Mantias, Athenian general, 239, 243
  • Mantineia, -ians, 39, 123, 171, 1814, 1853, 1873, 189, 191, 197, 201, 2173, 345
  • Marcius, Gaius (cos.), 317, 383
  • Margana in Pisatis, 165
  • Mausolus, tyrant of Caria, 205, 257, 337
  • Mazaeus, governor of Cilicia, 353
  • Mecyberna in Chalcidicê, 387
  • Medes, 199
  • Megacles, brother of Dion, 253, 267, 269
  • Megalê polis (Megalopolis), -itans, 153, 2174, 219, 3454 347
  • Megarians, 33, 59, 141
  • Memnon, brother of Mentor, 383, 385
  • Memphis, 674, 3752, 381
  • Mendesian mouth of Nile, 65, 67
427
  • Menenius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 89, 147
  • Mentor, Rhodian general, 353, 361, 369, 3772, 3793, 3813, 3832, 3854
  • Messenê, -ians of Peloponnese, 1333, 1354, 137, 139, 177, 189, 199, 203, 345
  • Messenê (Messana), -Ians of Sicily, 137, 265
  • Methonê, 2432, 325, 3333
  • Methymnê, 51
  • Metropolis of Hestiaea, 31
  • Micrinas of Tarentum, Olympic victor, 339
  • Miltiades, Athenian general, 199
  • Minoa, port of Acragas, 265
  • Minos, early king of Crete, 265
  • Minyae, 171
  • Mithridates I of Pontus, 203
  • Mithrobarzanes, father-in-law of Datames, 2092
  • Mnaseas, Phocian general, 3432
  • Mnasippus, Spartan general, 77, 81
  • Molon (archon), 201
  • Molossians, 49
  • Mycalê in Asia Minor, 85
  • Myronides, Athenian general, 199
  • Mysia, 205
  • Mytilenê, -aeans, 21
  • Naryx, Narycaeans in Phocis, 3432
  • Naupactus, 137, 161
  • Nausicles, Athenian general, 341
  • Nausigenes (archon), 147
  • Nausinicus (archon), 13
  • Naxos, -ians, 433
  • Naxos in Sicily, 2533
  • Neapolis, -itan, 287
  • Nectanebôs I, king of Egypt 378–361, 63
  • Nectanebôs II, king of Egypt 360–343, 2133, 215, 351, 371, 373, 381
  • Neleus of Pylos, 135
  • Neogenes, tyrant of Hestiaea, 31
  • Nestor of Pylos, 135
  • Nicaea in Locris, 405
  • Nicocles, eunuch, son of Evagoras of Cyprus, king of Cyprus, 81
  • Nicon (archon), 11
  • Nicophemus (archon), 219
  • Nicostratus, general of Argives, 8592, 369, 373
  • Nile River, 632, 67, 69, 357, 3672, 371
  • Nypsius, Neapolitan commander of Dionysius II, 2872, 2893
  • Nysaeus, son of Dionysius I, 251
  • Ochus, see Artaxerxes III
  • Oetaeans, 113
  • Olympia, 399
  • Olympiad, 9, 47, 89, 147, 1672 235, 281, 339, 387
  • Olympian festival (see Olympiad), at Olympus, 167,181, at Dium, 391
  • Olynthus, -ians, 55, 75 94, 112, 33, 2594, 261, 3872, 3892, 391
  • Onomarchus, Phocian commander, 325, 327, 3292, 3355, 3412, 343, 3952, 409
  • Orchomenus in Arcadia, 1232
  • Orchomenus in Boeotia, -ians, 512, 1112, 1714, 173, 331, 341, 401
  • Orestes, son of Agamemnon, 135
  • Oreüs, -itans, 312
  • Orneae in Argolis, 3332, 345
  • Orontes, satrap of Mysia, 2052
  • Oropus, 161
  • Paeonia, -ians, 235, 239, 243, 2452, 299
  • Paerisades, king of Pontus, 387
  • Pagasae, 325
  • Pallantium in Arcadia, -ians, 1152
  • Pammenes, Theban commander, 217, 3312
  • Pamphylians, 205
  • Panionia, -ians, 852
  • Panormus, harbour town of Peparethos, 2192
  • Papirius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 7, 11, 21, 47, 147
  • Papirius, Spurius (mil. tr.), 61
  • Papirius, Titus (mil. tr.), 89
  • Paralus, governor of Acragas, 2652
  • Paros, 43
  • Parrhasian Arcadians, 153
  • Pausanias, pretender to Macedonian throne, 239, 243
  • Peiraeus, 272, 43, 47
  • Peitholaüs of Pherae, 341, 345, 387
  • Pellenê, -ians, 139, 141
  • Pelopidas, Theban leader, 55, 93,
428
  • 125, 139, 149, 161, 1734, 1754, 177, 179, 197
  • Peloponnesus, -ians, 7, 19, 41, 47, 57, 61, 83, 873, 99,107, 111, 123, 125, 1412, 143, 1492, 159, 181, 187, 217, 253, 269, 283, 319, 323, 345, 405, 411, 415
  • Pelusium, Pelusiac mouth of Nile, 652, 3673, 369, 3755, 377
  • Peparethos, -ians, 31, 2192, 221
  • Perdiccas, king of Macedon 368–359, 119, 1672, 239
  • Pericles, Athenian statesman, 199
  • Perrhaebia, -ians, 113, 319
  • Persia, -n, -ns, 11, 23, 253, 33, 35, 53, 61 633, 65, 67, 693, 712, 91, 163, 177, 199, 2012, 203, 207, 2132, 2353, 299, 347, 3492, 3512, 353, 357, 359, 363, 3653, 3674, 369, 371, 3732, 3772, 379, 381, 383, 387, 397, 409
  • Phaedriades, cliffs near Delphi, 317
  • Phalaecus, Phocian commander, 343, 345, 347, 395, 397, 4053, 409, 4112, 413, 4152
  • Pharnabazus, Persian commander, 252, 612, 633, 652, 673, 692
  • Phaÿllus, Phocian commander, 335, 337, 339, 3412, 3433, 395, 409
  • Pheneüs in Peloponnese, 87
  • Pherae, -aeans, 31, 111, 117, 1192, 121, 1232, 149, 151, 159, 161, 173, 175, 219, 277, 333, 335, 3413, 345, 387
  • Pherendates, satrap of Egypt, 383
  • Phialeia (Phigaleia), -eians, 592
  • Philip II of Macedon, king 359–336, 119, 141, 2212, 2332 et passim
  • Philippeioi (coins of Philip), 261
  • Philippi, 243, 261
  • Philiscus, Persian envoy, 1472
  • Philistus, Sicilian historian and nauarch, 201, 219, 271, 281,2834
  • Philomelus, Phocian commander, 2792, 301, 303, 3052, 3073, 309, 3132, 315, 3172, 3213, 3233, 3272, 3952, 409
  • Philon, Phocian treasurer, 395, 397
  • Philophron, Spartan general, 367
  • Phlius, -asians, 33, 613, 143, 1612
  • Phocian War, see Sacred War
  • Phocides of Athens, Olympic victor, 167
  • Phocion, Athenian general, 3552, 365
  • Phocis, -ians, 33, 101, 111, 125, 235, 2792, 3013 et passim
  • Phoebidas, Spartan commander, 54, 41, 319
  • Phoenicia, -ians, 155, 205, 2132, 3492, 3515, 3535, 355, 357, 3613
  • Phrasicleides (archon), 93
  • Phrygia, 203
  • Phthiotis, 175, 319
  • Pisans, 1673, 179
  • Pisidians, 205
  • Plataeae, -ans, 752, 775, 95
  • Plato, 163
  • Plautius (or Plotius), Gaius (cos.), 301
  • Pnytagoras, king of Cyprus 351–332, 3652, 367
  • Pollis, Spartan nauarch, 432, 452
  • Polybiadas, Spartan commander, 9
  • Polycles of Cyrenê, Olympian victor, 387
  • Polydorus, brother of Jason of Pherae, 1193
  • Polytropus, Spartan general, 123
  • Polyzelus (archon), 159
  • Pontus, 3872
  • Popilius, Marcus (cos.), 393
  • Poplius, Gaius (cos.), 263
  • Poplius, Marcus .. . Laenas (cos.), 281, 327
  • Porus of Cyrenê, Olympian victor, 235
  • Porus of Malis, Olympian victor, 281
  • Poseidon, 852, 875
  • Postumius (mil. tr.), 9
  • Postumius, Aulus (mil. tr.), 81
  • Postumius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 83
  • Potidaea, 179, 259, 2612
  • Praeneste, -ini, 81, 365
  • Ptolemy of Alorus, 149, 165, 239
  • Publius, Marcus (mil. tr.), 21
  • Pydna, 259
  • Pythagoras, -ean, 57, 163, 2372
  • Pythia(n) (priestess), 309, 313, (games), 407
  • Pythias (archon), 9
  • Pytho (Delphi), 85, 303, 397
  • Pythostratus of Athens, Olympian victor, 147
429
  • Quinctius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 11, 13
  • Quinctius, Titus (mil. tr., cos.), 9, 47, 167, 403
  • Quintius, Gaius (cos.), 387
  • Quintius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 119
  • Quintius, Titus (cos.), 347
  • Rhegium, 281, 3652
  • Rheomithres, Persian noble, 209
  • Rhodes, -ian, 21, 169, 2572, 295, 297
  • Rhosaces, Persian officer, 369
  • Rome, -ans, passim
  • Sacred Band, 177
  • Sacred (or Phocian) War, 279, 3012, 343, 403, 405, 417
  • Salamis in Cyprus, -inians, 81, 3552, 3653, 367
  • Samnites, 365
  • Samos, 119, 2972
  • Sardinia, 13, 21
  • Satyrus, actor, 391, 3932
  • Scedasus, 1032
  • Schedius, Homeric Phocian king, 303
  • Sciathos, 31
  • Sciritis, -ae, 35, 129
  • Scotussa, -aeans, 159
  • Scythians, 235
  • Selinus, 155
  • Sellasia in Laconia, 127, 1292
  • Servilius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 11
  • Servilius, Lucius (mil. tr), 9
  • Servilius, Quintus (mil. tr., cos.), 3, 13, 61, 111, 163, 201, 245
  • Sestus on the Hellespont, 333
  • Sextius, Lucius . . . Lateranus (cos.), 179
  • Sextus, Gaius (mil, tr.), 93
  • Sicanians, 2652
  • Siceliots, 267
  • Sicels, 265
  • Sicily, -ians, 11, 51, 81, 137, 145, 147, 1552, 157, 199, 249, 2512, 2532, 263, 267, 279, 281, 295, 325, 365, 4112, 417, 421
  • Sicvon, -ians, 33, 59, 143, 1472, 189, 345
  • Sidon, -ians, 3514, 3532, 3573, 3592, 3615, 3634, 367, 371, 377
  • Social War, 257, 295, 299
  • Socratic, 163
  • Socratides (archon), 61
  • Solon of Athens, 199
  • Sophanes, Phocian commander, 395
  • Sparta, -ans, passim
  • Spartacus, king of Bosporus, Pontus, 325, 387
  • Sphettus, 163
  • Sphodriades, Spartan commander, 272
  • Stymphalus in Arcadia, 87
  • Sulpicius, Gaius (mil. tr., cos.), 89, 219, 251, 339, 365, 387
  • Sulpicius, Quintus (mil. tr.), 3
  • Sulpicius, Servius (mil. tr.), 9, 47, 53, 119, 147, 161, 167
  • Syracuse, -ans, 155, 157, 179, 219, 249, 2514, 2532, 2654, 2674, 2692, 2715, 2732, 2753, 2773, 281, 2836 2854, 2876, 2895, 2914, 2932, 295, 3392, 365, 399, 417, 4212
  • Syria, 65, 205, 213, 353, 355, 359
  • Tachôs, king of Egypt 362–361, 201, 209, 211, 2132, 2153
  • Tarentum, -ines, 9, 135, 339, 411, 4132
  • Tarquinii in Etruria, 365
  • Tauromenium, 2532, 255
  • Taurus (see Tauromenium), 253, 255
  • Taÿgetus, Mt., 131
  • Tegea, -ans, -atis, 115, 117, 127, 1813, 183, 187
  • Tegyra in Boeotia, 177
  • Teleclus, king of Lacedaemonians, 135
  • Teleutias, Spartan commander, 73
  • Telphusa in Arcadia, 347
  • Tennes, king of Sidon, 353, 3574, 359, 3612, 3633
  • Terentius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 89
  • Terina in Bruttium, 281
  • Thasos, -ians, 243
  • Thebê, wife of Alexander of Pherae, 277
  • Thebes, -ans, passim
  • Theellus (archon), 347
  • Themison, tyrant of Eretria, 161
  • Themistocles (archon), 393
  • Themistocles, Athenian general, 199
  • Theophilus (archon), 387
  • Theopompus of Chios, historian, 243
  • Theripides, Spartan commander, 312
430
  • Thermopylae, 129, 341
  • Thespiae, 21, 35, 412, 71, 95
  • Thessaly, -ians, 105, 113, 1172, 119, 1212, 123, 1393, 141, 1494, 151, 159, 161, 1733, 1752, 189, 1912, 2773, 279, 313, 317, 319, 321, 329, 331, 3333, 3356, 341, 387, 403, 405, 407, 409
  • Thettalion, henchman of Tennes, 3575, 3592
  • Thrace, -ians, 33, 472, 493, 79, 235, 239, 259, 299
  • Thracidae (Delphians), 305
  • Thronion in Locris, 331
  • Thudemus (archon), 327
  • Thurii, 51, 89, 281
  • Tiber River, 339
  • Timaenetus, father of Timoleon, 419
  • Timaeus, Sicilian historian, 253
  • Timocrates (archon), 167
  • Timoleon of Corinth, 4194, 4213
  • Timophanes, brother of Timoleon, 419
  • Timotheüs, Athenian general, 27, 49, 51, 732. 79, 81, 179, 197, 295, 2972
  • Timotheüs, tyrant of Heracleia-Pontica, 339
  • Tisiphonus of Pherae, 277
  • Toronê, 179, 387
  • Trachinia, 111
  • Triballians, 47
  • Tribonius, Publius (mil. tr.), 93
  • Triphylia, 1653
  • Tripolis in Phoenicia, 351
  • Troezên, 143
  • Trophonius, 103
  • Troy, -jan, 135, 241, 417
  • Tyrants, Thirty, 15
  • Tyrians, 351
  • Tyrtaeus, 137
  • Valerius (mil. tr.), 7
  • Valerius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 119
  • Valerius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 11, 51, 89
  • Valerius, Marcus (cos.), 339, 365
  • Valerius, Publius (mil. tr., cos.), 89, 383
  • Veiginius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 119
  • Verginius, Lucius (mil. tr.), 7
  • Veturius, Gaius (mil. tr.), 163
  • Warriors (Machimoi) of Egypt, 371
  • Xenophon of Athens, historian, 163, 201
  • Xerxes, King of Persia 485–465, 169
  • Zaeynthos, -ians, 733, 752, 253, 263, 325
  • Zereia in Chalcidicê, 387
  • Zeus, 103, 197, 399
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    Map of Europe, Western and Southern
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    Map of Europe, Western and Southern
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    Map of Sicily and Greece
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    Map of Sicily and Greece
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